Walking the Berkshires

Elias Dayton's Account of the Battle of Germantown

Today is the 235th anniversary of the Battle of Germantown during the Philadelphia Campaign.  The family and I will take part in a reenactment of one of its central actions, the fight around the Chew House or "Cliveden", in which the 1st and 3rd NJ regiments commanded by my ancestors Matthias Ogden and Elias Dayton suffered their heaviest casualties of the war (with Brandywine several weeks before a close second).

Col Elias Dayton of the 3rd NJ wrote about the battle of Germantown:

"The evening of the third we marched off with the whole army, with the design to attach the enemy, who lay near Germantown; about fifteen miles distant from us; unfortunately for us the night proved very dark, which so retarded our march that we did not reach the enemy's advanced post until sunrise, whereas our design was to attack them at first dawn of day.  At sunrise the fire began: their advanced party soon gave way, our people pursued them closely to the main body, which they immediately attacked likewise, and they soon gave way, and were pursued from field to field with great loss on their side. 

We suffered considerable in advancing, by a party of the enemy had thrown into a large stone house, said to belong to Benj. Chew.  At this place fell Capt. McMyer and Ensign Hurley of Col. Ogden's regiment; Capt. Conway, Capt. Morrison, Capt. Baldwin and Lt. Robinson wounded, of the same regiment, together with about 20 men; Of my regiment Lt. Clark and Ensign Bloomfield were wounded and 18 men killed and wounded; my horse was shot under me at the same place, within about three yards of the corner of the house. 

About this time came on perhaps the thickest fog known in the memory of man, which, together with the smoke, brought on almost midnight darkness, it was not possible at one time (I believe for the space of near half an hour) to distinguish friend from foe five yards distance.  This obliged all our parties to give over the pursuit, as they were in danger of firing upon their friends, and probably did several times before the fire ceased.  At this instant the enemy rallied their scattered forces and advanced upon us, when we retreated in turn, though with very little loss.  I believe every man we had either killed or wounded met his fate full in front as he was advancing.  We had one Brigadier General who was shot in the thigh with a cannon ball, of which wound he died three days afterwards.  Our good Major Witherspoon was shot dead by a cannon shot in the head as we were advancing through the streets of Germantown."

A return of the 3rd NJ on October 6th, 1777 shows 26 officers, 16 NCOs, 9 musicians and 150 Rank and File present fit for duty, and lists casualties from Germantown as 1 NCO and 5 Rank and file killed, 2 officers, 1 NCO and 12 Rank and File wounded, and 1 NCO and 4 men missing. 

The breakdown of casualties in the 1st NJ were likely as great or perhaps even higher given the high toll of officers killed and wounded.  Ensign Martin Hurely was wounded but did not die in battle, but rather was captured and executed by the British afterward as a deserter from the 44th Regiment of foot back in 1775 in Boston.  He later served in the 1st NJ beginning in its 1st establishment, rising from private to sergeant and then to Ensign.

Paid to Play

It is a good day in my book when my professional life and my living history hobby intersect. Talya and I enjoyed a fine Saturday morning in our 18th century garb as part of my employer The Housatonic Valley Associations "Free Family Fun" event celebrating the history of the river.  The rain stopped in the early morning hours and the weather was not oppressively hot, so we did not wilt in our heavy wool and linen.

We set up our tent by the riverside across from the hydropower station at Falls Village.  The old iron bridge between that community and the Amesville section of Salisbury is now closed and badly needs repairs, and we were able to tell those who attended the event that the first bridge on that site was owned and managed by Charles Burrill, who at the time of the revolution was a militia Colonel.  I turned out in my civilian attire representing one of Burrill's 14th CT militiamen, and Talya did her Quaker apothecary impression to the delight of one little girl in particular who had a grand time holding her woven egg basket.

I got to share a few original artifacts as well, including this 1773 Connecticut made fowler flintlock with a 60" barrel, and to read a letter written by my 5th great-aunt Hannah Ogden in 1779 containing all sorts of juicy gossip of the goings on in Elizabethtown NJ with the British just across the water at Staten Island.

There were 20-30 people who turned out for the three hour event, which featured a walk with local historian and expert on the colonial ironworks of our region Ed Kirby and a presentation on the native American cultures of our region.  There was actually a spectator there who is Lakota Sioux and was in the area visiting family.  He told us about attending a ceremony in Goshen, CT a few weeks ago for the naming ceremony of a rare white buffalo calf that was just born there, an event of great sacred significance to many native American people.

The Journal of Constant Belcher, Batman of the 1st New Jersey

Disclaimer:  The following is a piece of regrettably too clever satire, written for the amusement of my reenacting friends, that I can ruefully confirm is a tongue-in-cheek fabrication.  There are a number of references in the body of the message and in the so-called Journal of Constant Belcher, starting with his name, that we hoped would be tip offs.  We had no intention of creating a hoax and apologise to those who care deeply, as do we both, about this period and its scholarly research.    We all dream about finding the real thing.  This is not it, but if you will forgive us our tresspasses, Constant Belcher may yet return, ala his fictional inspirations Harry Flashman and Blackadder's Baldrick. 

My friend and reenacting comrade in arms Larry Schmidt and I were deep in our research into the original color of the field of our regimental flag – he favors a minty green (which he claims is "refreshing"), while I am holding out for Jersey drab – when we made an extraordinary discovery.  We recently visited the Spanktown Society of Friends in Carteret, New Jersey.  We were ushered into a disused storeroom at the back of the building, the oldest part of this structure that Larry is convinced is all that remains of the historic Blazing Star Tavern from which you may recall Col. Ogden launched his raid against the loyalists on Staten Island in 1777.   

We had come to view what we were told was an 18^th century American haversack of soiled onsaberg linen on which someone had painted the shield of the 1^st NJ in an early American primitive style.  However, we could see right away that it was actually a grease stain that looked vaguely like a bearded man with undressed hair which is clearly not 18^thcentury. While Larry is not unconvinced that it may in fact be a representation of Edward Hyde, Lord Cornbury, one of the colony's first royal governors who reputedly dressed in women's clothing to effect a likeness to his cousin, Queen Anne, I remain skeptical. 

In any event, we were extremely disappointed to have followed another promising lead down a false trail, but then noticed a bundle of rags that at first we took for something even Adam Young of the 2nd NJ - the most ragged Continental of the them all - might refuse to wear, but which actually proved to be an old book wrapped in tow cloth.  What we found inside literally blew our minds.

It appears to be a journal, in appallingly poor handwriting, written by an enlisted man in Colonel Ogden’s 1^st New Jersey.  As you all know, anything written by enlisted men is rare enough from this period.  Aside from the 1776 diary of Timothy Tuttle, there is no other contemporary journal of its kind known from our regiment.  While it is very difficult to decipher, appears to have been written in a variety of natural inks, and has many loose pages all out of order, Larry and I have made enough progress to be able to say with certainty that the author is one Constant Belcher of Elizabethtown and that he was for a period the waiter or batman of my own direct ancestor, Brigade Major Aaron Ogden, the brother of Colonel Matthias Ogden!  

Like Ogden, Belcher is an old Elizabeth New Jersey name, and The Belcher-Ogden House in Elizabeth, also known as the Governor Jonathan Belcher Mansion, is another intriguing connection between these families.  I had no idea that Maj. Ogden had a batman named Belcher, and never conceived that he might have left a journal of his experiences.  Larry and I promptly made a $10 contribution to the Spanktown Yearly Meeting and they let us take the tow cloth and its contents.

We are now busily trying to decipher and transcribe the Journal of Constant Belcher and prepare it for scholarly publication.  It is hard going, but each of us has taken sections and we will share the results with you as we have them.  We have decided to omit the ligatures and archaic spellings of standard names and places, and to add punctuation where needed for clarity, but otherwise to leave the entries as Belcher wrote them.   Because of my interest in Sullivan’s Staten Island Raid, I am delighted to be able to share with you now the relevant section from Belcher’s Journal:

“Aug 21^st -  We marcht to Blazing Star this day wair Colo. Ogden told us to leaf our Knapsacks - those that had them - taking only our musquets, cartouch pouches, Bayonets and market wallets to carry off lawful plunder. He must have meant us to wear our Small cloathes as well but made no Mention of them, and some in Capt. Conway’s and Capt. McMyer’s Cos. were reprimanded for appearing in ranks in naught but the clothes of Adam.   Maj. Bloomfield told me to make a place for his horse in the boat for the crossing to Cuckoldstown.  I gave it green pippins from his haversack so that it might ease our passage with a copious wind.

Augt. 22 – Colo. Ogden took command of our force, which was some militia and our Regiment and the 3^rd regiment, as Col. Dayton thought it best not to be associated with any scheme of General Sullivan’s who is an addle pated Hector and like to get poor soldiers kilt.  Thair was but 3 boats betwixt 500 men and we were near enough awash as we were a-going into Fresh Kills on the flood tide.  I lost my shoes in the marsh but got another pair from the Greens after we took their camp.  My share of the plunder come to 6 pair trousers, three regimentals of the 1^st NJV, 8 cocked hats with white tape, a powder horn scrimshandered with some English Doxie in a shift with a helmet with a pair of lions, three Silver Pocket watches, some ladies stays in a Most pleasing Scarlet colour, some first quality sausages, and a Pickering’s Musquet tool.  Colo. Ogden said we must take one of the Schooners that fell into our Hands and return to Elizabethtown with our prisoners and Plunder and I went aboard since it was Clear as day that we had not enuf boats for our own return if we had to be Hasty about it.  Heard them firing up Island and was snugg back in Elizabethtown when Genl. Sullivan brought back his division except his rear Guard whot got left behind as I knew they would.  Found my powder horn was filled with spirits and got drunk as a wheel barrow.”

 I am so excited by this discovery.  Larry and I feel it will absolutely change our understanding of the Revolution from the common man's perspective, and is sure to get a few noses out of joint on RevList.  For one thing, we won't have to throw out our Pickering's Tools anymore as inauthentic!

 

(to be continued @ Constant Belcher's Blogge)

 

Equiping Quandries; The Perils of 18th Century Reenacting

In the parlance of historical reenacting, the word "farb" is a derogatory term for someone whose indifference to authenticity manifests itself in the use of inappropriate items or anachronistic comportment. The commitment to well documented items of period material culture and accurate historical impressions that draws many of us to the hobby can also produce extreme obsessiveness.  There are some who would not dream of appearing in the field in anything less than hand woven, hand died fabrics and uncomfortable straight last shoes, and others who are content to use the best they can get until they can find something better. 

Standards of authenticity can range from merely acceptable to absolutely hardcore, but "farby" gear and behavior can be glaringly off putting, and all things being equal I would rather avoid making common mistakes and ill advised purchases.

The trouble is that documentation for some of the items used during the time period of the American Revolution that I depict, either in general or by particular units, is often either extremely limited or non-existent.  Unlike the mid 19th century, there are no contemporary photographs of items used and worn by the Continental Army, leaving us only with those artifacts that have survived to the present day, written records (often incomplete and inadequately described), and period illustrations and portraits which provide only a few glimpses of enlisted men and the way they lived, dressed and fought.

I fall in with the 1st New Jersey Continentals (2nd establishment), which depicts the unit on campaign as it was in 1777.  This narrows the choices for uniforms and equipment in some respects - no French lottery coats yet - but even so there is no precise documentation of the cut and color of any locally procured uniform coats or any flag that may have been carried by the 1st at this time.  Unlike some of its sister regiments in the New Jersey Brigade, surviving correspondence, deserter descriptions advertised in newspapers, orderly books and journals from the 1st NJ do not provide much in the way of definitive documentation. 

It is possible that its commander, my ancestor Col. Matthias Ogden, was less attentive to the requirements of quartermaster and commissary than he appears to have been to grievances over the inadequacies of officer pay and to demonstrations of personal courage and daring in the field.  It is also possible that in 1777, his first year as commander of the regiment and one in which the unit participated in almost constant marching and a number of sharp engagements, there was little time to devote to requisitions.  Historian John Rees has done as fine a job as anyone of documenting the uniforms of the Jersey Troops in the early stages of the war up to the Monmouth Campaign in 1778, and this still leaves a good deal of room for informed guesswork and interpretation.

There is also the problem that even items for which there is contemporary documentation may be historically inaccurate when used by reenactors.  Consider the "New Invented Haversack", a one strap knapsack offered for sale by modern sutlers and based on a February 1776 contractor's letter in the Maryland Archives which includes a detailed description of the item and claims that it had already been provided to PA, NJ and VA troops.  One might think this was more than adequate documentation, but there is no surviving example of a knapsack of this type and no evidence that any such item was ever provided to troops in the field. 

The general consensus among authenticity-conscious reenactors today is that this item should be avoided, but there are very few surviving artifacts or modern sources representing what would be considered an authentic knapsack.  The best option I have found is a two strap linen canvas knapsack based on the one carried by Benjamin Warner of Connecticut and currently in the Fort Ticonderoga collection.   I was able to get a Warner Knapsack kit that is no longer in production and am now learning how to sew it together authentically, but this takes a high level of commitment and is more effort than others in the hobby might consider worth taking.  It ought to be easier to avoid farbiness than this.

The same charge of inauthenticity can be applied to the so-called "Pickering's Tool", an item designed and described by U.S. Quartermaster Thomas Pickering but for which no contemporary example survives in the archaeological record.  Being made of iron, such tools may have been lost to corrosion, but still one would expect there to be some artifacts left if they had been widely produced.  I learned this fact too late after purchasing my Pickering's Tool, but for $10 it was not as costly a mistake as it might have been and I will use it until I can replace it with something better.

Don't get me started on tents.  There has been some excellent research undertaken by participants in the Yahoo group RevList that points to significant differences in authenticity between the 18th century tents manufactored for use during the Revolution and those available today from commercial manufacturers.  The more authentic ones made by the 2nd VA are beautiful.  Even so, unless you do it yourself, it is going to be extremely difficult to get a professionally made unbleached linen hemp duck canvas wedge tent (untreated) secured by wooden pegs through hemp rope loops with wooden washers and hand stitched grommets and with sectional tent poles held together with iron ferulles.  The cost for such an item would be least twice what the standard cotton canvas wedge tent costs with flame retardant and water resistant coating.  It will be vulnerable to mildew if packed when wet and may be a poor shelter during a downpour.  Is it worth the effort and expense to go this route?

And that brings me back to subjectivity and the personal reasons we are drawn to this hobby.  If you spend every waking moment critiquing the presentation of others in the hobby, you are just replicating a clique from High School (and a nerdy one at that).  If you do not strive to learn from others in the hobby and to improve your impression, you are doing a disservice to the public and to your fellow reenactors.  If it isn't enjoyable, there are better ways to spend one's discretionary income and leisure time.

On a scale of 1-10 where 1 is extremely farby and 10 is obsessively authentic, I am probably about an 8.  I will shave my facial hair prior to the campaign season (and that, my friends, is a significant sacrifice to authenticity), but I will not worry if the interior, non visible stitching in my uniform coat is done by machine. I'll leave it to the really hardcore reenactors to go lose forty pounds and half their teeth and develop body lice if they want to.  I am making careful choices, within my budget, in the items I acquire, and striving to improve my impression where it makes sense to do so.

Ultimately, what matters most is my behavior, on the firing line, in camp and in conversations with the public. It is more important to me to develop a greater appreciation for why people in the 18th century made the choices they did and took the actions they did - and to convey this to the public -  than to quibble over minute differences in original vs. reproductions of the British long land pattern infantry musket.  That distinction may be important to others, but not to the general public and is not my top priority.

Mind you, if you look in my haversack next month at Monmouth (a hand-stitched unbleached linen haversack, no less), you will find parched corn and a big slab of salt-cured bacon, nicely washed with the mold scrubbed off.  My accouterments were chosen to be appropriate for early war Continental or militia use (hemp webbing instead of cotton or leather straps).  My (used) civilian shoes have holes in them, and will be replaced with more authentic rough side out versions before the cold weather season.  I have a wool blanket that is good enough for now. 

It is a process of ongoing refinement, and curiosity, and of courtesy to others. I like my unit and my comrades, and that matters most of all.

 

 

 

"It is not my wish to prevent or to delay a proper inquiry into Genl Sullivan's Conduct"; Sullivan's Staten Island Raid (Part XVII and last in Series)

In the days that followed Sullivan's Staten Island Raid, while the General marched his division to rejoin Washington's Army at Philadelphia, some of his officers wrote bitterly to their friends and patrons that he had bungled the whole affair.  Sullivan - with a Nixonian nose for enemies within - assembled his field commanders and let them know he was aware that some of them had written to Congress about his conduct.  The other officers had agreed to keep silent, but Colonel Samuel Smith of the 4th Maryland, who had been officer of the day and was not aware of this pact; stood up and told Sullivan that he had, indeed written to his uncle in Congress and then "in the strongest terms, but in polite language, gave a full view of the errors which he considered to have been committed."

Sullivan advised his officers, in particular General DeBorre, to keep silent about the matter until he had had the chance to have a hearing and defend his actions, but the horses had already left the barn.  Major John Taylor of the 2nd Canadian Regiment, which had lost 8 of its officers captured on Staten Island, wrote first to his superior Colonel Moses Hazen, and then brought formal charges against Sullivan that prompted Congress on September 1st to order a court martial. 

At Washington's subsequent request this hearing was delayed several weeks due to the dire military situation as the Royalist forces moved on Philadelphia, and when proceedings resumed Sullivan faced new charges of maladministration stemming from his questionable performance at the Battle of Brandywine.  On September 17th, Washington wrote;

"Tho' I would willingly pay every attention to the Resolutions of Congress, yet in the late instance respecting the recall of Genl Sullivan, I must [beg leave to] defer giving any order about It, [till I hear further from that Honble. Body.] Our Situation at this time is critical and delicate, and nothing should be done to add to its embarrassments. We are now most probably on the point of another Action, and to derange the Army by withdrawing so many General Officers from it, may and must be attended with many disagreeable, if not ruinous, Consequences. Such a proceeding at another time, might not produce any bad effects, but How can the Army be possibly conducted with a prospect of Success, if the General Officers are taken off, in the moment of Battle? Congress may rely upon it, such a measure will not promote, but injure the service. It is not my wish to prevent or to delay a proper inquiry into Genl Sullivan's Conduct, a single instant, when the Circumstances of the Army will admit; But now they prohibit it, and, I think, the suspension in his command also."

The proceedings of this Court of Inquiry are among the few from this conflict where documents relating to the testimony and deliberations not only survive but are available online.  They have featured prominently in the documentation I have drawn upon in writing this series.  Rather than repeating evidence previously cited, I will briefly summarize the proceedings and then turn to the verdict.

The Court Martial was convened on Washington's order with Major General Alexander Lord Sterling presiding.  Sterling was the division commander whose men fought on the right of Sullivan's Division at Brandywine, and like Sullivan he had been captured in 1776 during the Battle of Long Island.  The other members of the tribunal included Brigadier Generals Alexander McDougall and Henry Knox, Colonels Oliver Spencer of New Jersey and Thomas Clark of the 1st NC, with Timothy Pickering as A.G. 

They received oral and written testimony from thirteen officers.  Maj. Edward Sherburne's was given on September 6th, but he was mortally wounded during the Battle of Germantown before the Court Martial had concluded its deliberations.  Some officers were unavailable to appear in person and gave their testimony in written form.  Some of these were cross examined, and others not.

The charges dealt both with the plan of attack and its execution.  Questions were raised about the ability for Sullivan's Division and Col. Ogden's force to support each other at a distance of over 10 miles during their separate landings and engagements, and the wisdom of marching Sullivan's men to Old Blazing Star Ferry to link up with Ogden rather than returning to the Jersey shore by the shorter route they had followed when they crossed over to the Island.  Charges of rampant looting and poor control over the troops were levelled at Sullivan, particularly during the withdrawal to Old Blazing Star, and during embarkation with the three boats that were available for the return to New Jersey.  His decision not to bring cannon to support the raid, and to march more than 20 miles the day before and as much again during the fighting without giving the men time to rest and refresh themselves was also part of the charges.

General Sterling summarized the evidence and after due consideration, the Court Martial released its findings on October 12th, 1777 clearing Sullivan of wrongdoing in the Staten Island Raid.

"The Court...are Unanimously of opinion that the expedition against the enemy on Staten Island was eligible and promised great advantages to the cause of America.  That the expedition was well concocted, and the orders for the execution proper, and would have succeeded with reputation to the General and Troops under his command had it not in some measure been rendered abortive by accidents which were out of the power of the General to forsee or prevent.  - That General Sullivan was particularly active in Embarking the Troops to the Island and took every precaution in his power to bring them off - That he made early provision at Elizabethtown for refreshing the Troops of his Division when they returned to Jersey, and that upon the Maturest consideration of the evidence in possession of this Court, General Sullivan's conduct in planning and executing was such in the opinion of this Court, that he merits the approbation of his Country, and not its censure.  the Court therefore are Unanimously of opinion that he ought to stand honorably acquitted of any unsoldierlike conduct in the expedition to Staten Island."

Sullivan was soon thereafter cleared of the charges brought against him for Brandywine (aided by the resignation of his inept subordinate DeBorre).  He was gleeful about the verdict, and wrote yet another gloating and vindictive letter to Congress on October 17th in which he stated that "Congress must be at some loss to know how it was possible for Lt. Col. Smith and Maj. Taylor to write so warmly against me to their friends in Congress when there was no Colour in it."  He then proceeded to lay out yet another conspiracy theory that there was bad blood between these officers and his now deceased Deputy Adjutant General Maj. Edward Sherburne, aided by the now disgraced DeBorre. 

Sullivan knew how to deflect criticism and assign blame to his subordinates, and he also knew how to intimidate them.  With regard to his second Court Martial, he demanded that the officers of the regiments under his command sign politically motivated letters that were essentially loyalty oaths.  Sullivan sought a similar endorsement from the officers who served under him in 1779 during his more successful campaign against the Iroquois, but did not secure the signatures of all of them (Matthias Ogden demurred).  Examples of the letters from 1777 are also compiled online with the Court Martial proceedings.   That of the Delaware Regiment (absent, it will be observed, the signature of Captain Enoch Anderson) will stand for the whole:

"Sir - Agreeable to your request in the order of this day, informing the officers of your Division, that you were Inform'd in the hearing of His Excellency, that the officers were Universally dissatisfied with your Command, and had no confidence in you, as an officer. - We the subscribers officers in the Delaware Regiment, in Justice to you and ourselves, do declare, that we repose the highest Confidence in you as an officer, and are entirely satisfied with your Command, and do not wish to be succeeded by any other."

The best he could secure from the disgruntled 2nd Canadian regiment was the following letter from Lieutenant John Erskine;

"Sir - I have just now been informed by Maj. Taylor, that you have been told by some Persons, that all the officers of this regiment are very uneasy at being under your Command, that you were desirous to know their minds on the subject - I have only to observe for my own part, that if I could reconcile myself as well to the Conduct of the Officers with whom I am more immediately concerned (I meant the Filed officers of Colo Hazen's Regimt) I could live in the Army as happy as I could wish."

Sullivan knew how to win support with flattery as well as through intimidation.  His after action report to Congress singles out Colonel Matthias Ogden, who with his men "behaved with equal bravery" to the troops in Sullivan's sector, and forwarded Ogden's recognition of those of his men who preformed with zeal and activity.  Ogden, for his part, wrote a supportive letter to Sullivan and praised his handling of the raid (the idea for which he may well have been presented to the General). Sullivan was also sure to praise the brave stand made at the landing by the captured Majors Tillard and Stewart, who were not available to give evidence conflicting with his own about the way he handled things on the return to New Jersey.

Perhaps we should give Captain Enoch Anderson the final word.  Writing to his nephew years after the war, the old soldier observed;

"The Jersey Troops got much spoil, - fair game.  The Delaware regiment got nothing, save what was taken by my company.  One of the officers in my troops gave me a share of his spoils, but it was not much."

[I am grateful to the kind assistance of Todd Braisted and Tim Terrell who generously shared access to documentation that was of critical importance in writing this series.]

1st NJ Training Day at Washington's Crossing

I am not at all sure my ancestors Matthias and Aaron Ogden would have recognized much of themselves in their descendant this weekend as I donned my gay apparel and fell in with Odgen's Ist NJ Continentals for Training Day.  It was a fine day nonetheless.  Here I stand with a borrowed Brown Bess and early pattern 3rd NJ drab and blue uniform coat, cartridge box and bayonet.  I managed to pull together the rest of my clothes myself, though the blue breeches will need a complete overhaul (fortunately I only paid for the buttons and buckles so can afford to have a better seamstress make the replacement pair).  The mustache will also have to go for the campaign season, though some of my comrades keep their facial hair however anachronistic it may be.

I found myself wanting to do the manual of arms left handed, but did not utterly disgrace myself in the line, which because I am 5'7" has me sized for front rank, dead center. My firelock misfired about half the time, though whether from a dull flint or my inexpertise in priming the pan I cannot say.  I learned a great deal and the other members of the unit were very supportive.

This is a fine group of fellows, good fun and good living historians.  I am very much looking forward to the encampment at Monmouth Court House in Freehold, NJ on June 19th-20th.  Meanwhile, here are a few pictures of the soldiers and distaff of the 1st NJ (Col. Ogden's) for your viewing pleasure.

"We kept up such a blais on them, that thay wair repulsed every time"; Sullivan's Staten Island Raid (Part XII)

Brigadier General John Campbell, commander of the British garrison on Staten Island, rallied the scattered elements of the 4th New Jersey loyalist volunteers and British 52nd Regiment of Foot that had been pushed back from Decker's Ferry during the initial phase of Sullivan's Raid. He then proceeded with them and the 3rd Waldeck Regiment in pursuit of the Americans that were withdrawing toward Old Blazing Star.  It was exceedingly hot on August 22nd, 1777, and General Campbell wrote that he halted his men at Richmond to rest and regroup (as the Americans had done before him) before pushing on to find and engage the enemy.

"From [Richmond] brigadier general Skinner was directed to send repeated expresses to inform col Dongan [of the 3rd NJV] of my approach, and desiring him to endeavor a junction.  I had proceeded but a short way beyond Richmond, when I was informed that the rebels had reached the Old Blazing-Star, and were using the greatest diligence in transporting their troops to the Jersey shore.  At this very instant an officer arrived from col Dongan that he was a little more than a mile's distance on his way to join me; whereupon I sent him orders to turn towards the enemy, and to attack whatever body he could come up with, and I was following with all expedition, and would immediately support him.  He obeyed my orders with spirit, bravery, and resolution, and engaged the rear for nearly half an hour..."

Dongan's men had already fought hard against Col. Matthias Ogden's New Jersey Continentals and militia that morning, and retreated under fire and in good order to old earthworks at Prince's Bay toward the southwest corner of the Island.  Ogden then withdrew to Old Blazing Star Ferry, and having determined that he was unlikely to be supported by Sullivan's men who were then fighting at the north end of the Island, he subsequently reembarked his troops for the Jersey Shore.  This left a battered but unbroken enemy in the rear, and it was these troops - some 400 men of the loyalist 3rd and 6th Battalions and also a few survivors from the 1st Battalion that had been routed by Ogden at daybreak -  that moved to engage Sullivan's force as it was crossing over to New Jersey.

2nd Lt. Andrew Lee of the 2nd Canadian Regiment left a journal describing the rear guard action of Sullivan's men at Old Blazing Star;

"[General Sullivan] was obliged to wait the tedious opportunity of three boats which lay at the ferry for the crossing of both divisions.  This delay he justly apprehended would be attended with ill consequences, as he had received information of the enemy being in motion, and would undoubtedly harrass his rear.  He therefore ordered a picket of 100 men, taken from the rear, commanded by Maj. [Edward] Tilllard [of the 6th MD], and Capt. [John] Carlisle and myself [of the 2nd Canadian Regiment] to secure the boats and cover the embarkation of the troops.  About 5 o'clock p.m. the troops being nearly all over except our picket, .a wagon was ordered back to take any of the men that might still be on the road, with directions to proceed as far back as Richmond.  But before he had gone half a mile he espied the van of the English army in full march.  I immediately returned and informed Captain Carlisle, upon which he formed the picket as quick as possible to form troops as much fatigued as they were, they having marched 30 miles without refreshment."

The 6th Maryland formed part of Smallwood's Brigade, which had marched ahead of De Borre's brigade to the landing.  Most of Smallwood's men seem to have crossed ahead of DeBorre's, but detachments may have straggled, or the loading may not have been adequately supervised at the start as was later alleged  at Sullivan's Court Martial. 

Lt. Lee described efforts to reinforce the rearguard before the fighting commenced.

"In the meantime Maj. Tillard went forward in order to view the number of the enemy, and finding them to exceed ours ran tot he place of embarkation, in order to stop the boats which were just then leaving the shore.  Col. Smith [of the 4th MD], who was in one of them, did not think proper to reland, upon which Maj. Tillard applied to Maj. Stewart [of the 2nd MD] to know if he would support the picket with what force of his remained on shore.  But not receiving  any answer from him he returned to the picket which he [had?] represented to Maj. Stewart must unavoidably be cut off by superior numbers without his assistance." 

The last unit to cross to safety was under Col. Smith of the 4th, MD of De Borre's Brigade, while Major Stewart of the 2nd MD of De Borre's Brigade was left ashore.   Major Stewart and his men did, in fact, support the picket, but whether this was by design or default after Colonel Smith departed with the last boat may never be known.  For his part, Colonel Smith felt bad about Major Stewart being left behind to be subsequently captured, and attempted to provide for him during his captivity;

"Colonel Smith was particularly attached to Major Stewart, having fought a duel with him, and becoming subsequently, on the friendliest terms with him.  Having procured a flaf of truce, he [later] went with it and gave a bill of Exchange on London for twenty-five pounds Sterling, to a British Officer, who honourably gave it to a Major Stewart."

Lt. William Wilmot of the 3rd MD, part of Smallwood's Brigade, also fought with the rear guard at the Ferry, most likely with Maj. Stewart's stranded force, and left this colorful account of the action;

"the dasterly Enemy watching our retreet, when they saw that we had all crossed but about 200 men and 20 officers thay caim down on us with about 1000 of their herows, and attacked us with about 500 of their new troops [the NJV Battalions] and hesions expecting I believe that thay should not receive oune fire from us but to their grate surprise thay received many as we had to spair and had we as many more thay should have been welcome to them, thay made two or three attempts to rush on us, but we kept up such a blais on them, that thay wair repulsed every time, and not withstanding we was shure that we must very soon fall into their hands.  When we see them running back from our fire there was such a houraw or huzzaw from the oune end of our little line to the other that they culd hear us quight across the river, but what grieved me after seeing that it was not the lot of many of us to fall and our amonition being expended, that such brave men wair obiged to surrender them selves Prisioners to a dasterly, new band of Murderrers, natives of the land..."

These "natives of the land" referred to with such vehemence  by Wilmot were the green coated New Jersey loyalists that first struck Tillard's picket.  Major James R. Reed of the 2nd Canadian Regiment, who was able to embark in the boats to the Jersey SHore, later testified that upon landing;

"I took particular notice of the ground, which on this side did not command that on the other, but notwithstanding if we had had our artillery considering the timidity of those Green Coats, I thought we could prevent their coming forward before our people might get over."

Sullivan did not have any cannons with him, but Brigadier General Campbell did, and the two field pieces attached to the 52nd Regiment of Foot under Lieutenant Grant, and 2 more from the German troops, were a considerable factor in preventing the boats from returning to offload the rearguard. Sullivan's Deputy Adjutant General, Maj. Edward Sherburne, later wrote;

"I accordingly obeyed the Genls order, double manned the boats & used my endeavour to get them off but was all in vain, two boats went off they never reach'd the opposite shore, being as I suppose terrified by the Enemies incessant fire from their Artillery and small arms."

Major John Taylor of the 2nd Canadian Regiment, who subsequently brought court martial charges against Sullivan for his handling of the Staten Island Raid, testified that two men were killed by cannon fire in the marsh, while Chaplain Philipp Waldeck of the 3rd Waldeck Regiment noted in his diary that "Our cannons and the English cannons were brought into play and ours, in particular, earned high praise." 

Lt. Colonel Stephen Kemple, who served as Deputy Adjutant General to Sir Henry Clinton in New York, recorded in his journal from second hand reports that

"the Rebels fled with great precipitation to their Boats; our Troops follows, with two pieces of Cannon.  Lieut. Grant's Artillery fired several rounds of Grape Shot into them as they were Crossing; they were heard to make a great outcry, and some of them were seen to Jump overboard."

Lt. Lee continues his account of the stand made by the rearguard at the ferry;

"On his arrival [Maj. Tillard] found the picket disposed in a manner he did not think proper to alter.  The enemy immediately heaving in sight the firing began, but the ground not favoring our small party, we were compelled to retreat in disorder, as the enemy had outstretched us on the right, and must have surrounded us had we kept our position.  On our right we fell in with Maj. Stewart, who without giving Maj. Tillard notice, formed his party in our rear, upon which Maj. Tillard, endeavouring to collect our men again, many of which had made their escape, but the firing began again from Stewart's party, who also retreating before superior numbers precipitously fell in with the remainder of the picket, which was collected and forming on an eminence having a small valley in our front.  Here Maj. Stewart having formed his men on our right made a line of about 200 yards, with a three rail fence before us."

According to Lee's account;

"The fire now began general from left to right, at the distance of about 90 yards, for the space of half an hour, in the course of which time the enemy were more than once broke.  They endeavoured continually to force our front, but finding it impossible they extended their lines beyond our right, and doubling in at the same time pressing on in front with two pieces of artillery forced us from our fence, and finding it impossible to hold out against five times our numbers without advantage of artillery, it was thought advisable to surrender."

This version of events is supported in Lieut. Wilmot's letter;

"When our amonition was all spent Maj. Sturd took a Whight handkerchief and stuck it on the point of his Sword, and then or'd the men to retreet whilste he went over to their ground, and surrendered, for he had never gave them an inch before he found that he had nothing left to keep them off with the enemy advancing fast to surround us with the musketree in frunt and the horse on our right flank and the watter on our left and in the rear."

If indeed there were any light horse engaged on the Royalist side, perhaps they were part of the loyalist Richmond militia, for there were no other dragoons assigned to the Staten Island garrison. 

An officer of the 52nd Regiment of Foot, likely its Lt. Colonel Campbell, wrote an account published in a loyalist newspaper that claimed;

"After having marched 18-miles, the Fifty-Second came up with the rear of the rebels at a bay called the Blazing Star, where they were busy embarking.  However, a hot engagement ensured, which did not continue above five minutes, when 300 of the rebels, commanded by a lieutenant colonel, two majors, five or six captains, 24 officers in all, and a number of subalterns, cried out for quarter and clubbed their arms.  The Waldeck regiment was at this time two miles behind, not being able to keep up.  I prevented, as much as possible, any effusion of blood, but in the havock of such cases, it was impossible to prevent it wholly. The number I have mentioned became prisoners, and being equal to the number of the captors, it was impossible to do more, so the rest got off."

These casualty figures represent the high end of estimated prisoners taken both at the landing and from stragglers and those surprised by looting in the north of the Island.  From this account, it appears that the 52nd arrived near the end of the fight at the landing, which had been carried on up to that point by the Col Dongan and his New Jersey Volunteers, and that the cannons that were brought to the fight by this relief force were a significant factor in bringing the fight to a close.  We will consider the aftermath of the engagement, and account for the likely casualties suffered on both sides, in the next post in this series.

 

 

"Here was great confusion"; Sullivan's Staten Island Raid (Part XI)

Captain William Beatty of the 7th Maryland Regiment in DeBorre's Brigade noted in his journal; "About 10 o'Clock the whole of our forces on the Island, began to more toward the old Blazeing (sic) star ferry to recross.  But the want of a sufficient no. of boats made that business go so slow that the Enemy had time to Cut off about 230 of our Rear." 

These losses took place both during Sullivan's march to the ferry as stragglers fell behind or were taken while plundering, and during a rear guard action that held the pursuing Royalist forces at bay while the rest of Sullivan's troops crossed from Staten Island to the Jersey Shore.  This spoiled whatever military advantages had been gained by Sullivan and Col Ogden in their sectors that morning, and were a significant factor in the court martial proceedings brought against Sullivan by one of his officers for mismanaging the whole affair. 

The men of Sullivan's Division were exhausted from marching more than 20 miles the day before and then making a predawn attack.  They were hungry and thirsty as the temperatures continued to climb that morning.  Some were aware that there were other Royalist forces on the Island and across the bay in New York that could soon be brought against them.  Others were too tired to care, or too intent on plunder.

Captain Enoch Anderson of the 1st Delaware Regiment in Smallwood's Brigade later wrote to his nephew that he withdrew his company and hurried after the rest of his Brigade from Decker's Ferry. 

"I continued my march at a double quick time and came the the place of crossing.  Here was great confusion, - no commander,- soldiers running at their will, and not boats enough; there being some unhappy error about the boats.  I saw a boat coming over and kept my eye on it, and as it came nearer the shore I came nearer to it.  I kept my men in solid body and I and my company entered the boat.  We got safe over and here I met your father [1st Lieutenant Joseph Anderson of the 3rd NJ Regiment].  He had been on another part of the island.  Our regiment had crossed long previous to me."

Anderson's men were lucky to have such a level headed and resourceful commander.   The only boats available at the Old Blazing Star ferry were those used by Col. Ogden and his 500 New Jersey Continentals and militia who had already completed their attack that morning and had for the most part reembarked to New Jersey by the time Sullivan's units began to arrive at the ferry.  Major John Eustace testified that he arrived at the ferry "at 12 o'clock and found Colo. M. Ogden & Mr. Barber Lieut Colo of Daytons Corps whose regiments had just crossed the river." 

Eustace also describes how Sullivan and DeBorre's brigades had marched down the Morningstar Road to the heights near Richmond (or Cuckolds Town) and halted there for an hour before continuing another 3 or 4 miles further to the Ferry.  This mention of a halt is significant, as it gives credence to claims of a more orderly retreat and establishes the general time that the first elements of Sullivan's Division began to arrive at the Ferry.

Captain Benjamin Chambers with one of the light companies of the 2nd Canadian Regiment found himself with less than 40 men assigned as a rear guard by Sullivan as his company made its way from the Crossroads toward Richmond.  He did so for an hour, and later testified that

"in this time a considerable number of officers and men came on and passed by him when he brought the Stragglers to the rear Guards, he retired to rejoin his regiment which was just embarking when he came to the Old Blazing Star Ferry, he and his company followed in teh next Boat - When he got on the Jersey side General Sullivan asked him if he had seen anything of the enemy, he replied in the negative, the General then asked him whether he had brought on all the stragglers as he ordered him, he answered he had, all those who were able to walk, and Waggons were sent for the lame."

One of the more detailed accounts of the withdrawal to the Ferry was as given in testimony by Major James A Reed of the 2nd Canadian Regiment, which describes a general breakdown of cohesion on the march from the junction of Morning Star Rd and New Blazing Star.when Sullivan's two brigades reunited, as well as efforts to use intact units like Chamber's Company to protect the stragglers:

"I...enquired of the Inhabitants how far it was to the [Old] Blazing Star they told me 9 miles.  I observing General De Borre to be much fatigued, offered him the Horse I had, which he accepted.  I had not marched far before I perceived my strength fail so that I was obliged to fall towards the rear where I saw our people in a scattered disorderly and dangerous situation,  I made up of every effort then in my power to curb the licentiousness, and stop the greedy grasp of our Soldiery, but found they had such a propensity to plunder that my exertions were ineffectual, however I proceeded to a small village called Cuckolds Town, when I came there the troops were gone.  I myself with a few others stayed there about fifteen minutes, when I heard Captain Heron of the Regiment to which I belong was killed of made prisoner in our rear; Capt [Edward]Oldham [of the 4th MD] and myself got horses and went back, we had not gone far before we met Capt Chambers with the light Company of our Regiment, I asked him if there were any of our people behind,, he said there were, we went on but soon discovered a party in the woods about a quarter mile from the road whom we took to be the enemy attempting to hang on our rear, I called back our light Company to skirmish with them till our straggling rear should get out of the way, but finding them to be our own people sent them forward telling them their danger, we then went back about a mile and a half where we met some soldiers who said they were so overcome with hunger and fatigue; that they could go no further, but we perswaided (sic) them to rise and hurried them on till we came in sight of Cuckolds Town, when we left them and followed our Army; our People were then scattered from that place tot he ferry, at which place when I arrived our Regiment was crossing over when I embarked and came over to this side, shortly after I came over I saw the enemy appear."

Sullivan's Deputy Adjutant General, Major Edward Sherburne later testified that he had informed Sullivan that there were a number of stragglers who had not yet reached Cuckholds Town and was ordered to send back waggons for them. Nonetheless, it is certain that a fair number of these were taken prisoner by the pursuing Crown forces. 

If Sullivan's Division had a nine mile march to make from the Crossroads to Old Blazing Star, starting out at 10 a.m. with an hour's pause near Richmond (Cuckholds Town), it is unlikely that Smallwood's lead Brigade reached the Ferry by noon as Major Eustace testified.  It is more likely that they started to arrive by early afternoon.  Evidently Major Woodson of the 2nd Canadian Regiment in De Borre's Brigade was assigned to supervise the embarkation, but as Smallwood's Brigade was ahead of De Borre's it is quite possible that at first there was no one with that responsibility at the landing. 

In addition, there was a great deal of plunder (legitimate military spoils and otherwise) and a number of prisoners as well as over 1,000 men needing transport to the Jersey Shore, and just three boats to do it with.  It took these same men about two hours to cross over in three of their own boats that morning at Halsted's Point, but according to Ensign Andrew Lee of the 2nd Canadian Regiment they were still embarking at New Blazing Star at 5 p.m. when the enemy appeared.  Even accounting for the wider distance between Staten Island and the Jersey Shore, there would seem to have been a reasonable amount of time to recross unmolested had all the troops been at the landing and the loading of the boats been appropriately supervised.  This was not the case, and before Sullivan had completed bringing over his tired Brigades, the final fighting of the Raid took place at the landing.  We will discuss the counterattack of the Crown Forces and the brave stand made by Sullivan's rearguard after the boats had gone in a next post in this series.

 

"It is unfortunate that we observed no order in Our retreat"; Sullivan's Staten Island Raid (Part X)

It was part of General Sullivan's original plan to withdraw with Smallwood and DeBorre's brigades from the north part of Staten Island to Old Blazing Star Ferry where Ogden had made his morning attack.  He was later criticized by some of his officers for marching such a long distance to disembark, rather than returning to the boats at the initial landing place opposite Elizabethtown, New Jersey.  Major John Taylor of the 2nd Canadian Regiment wrote to his absent commander, Col. Hazen, soon after the culmination of Sullivan's Staten Island Raid;

"It is unfortunate, that instead of returning by the way we crossed, which was short; we should march 10 miles further to the Starr, which made the number of miles from our Camp, with our maneaveurs (sic) on the Island, at least 40; It was very unfortunate that we continued to march without halting, by which means we had a rear of 6 miles; It was unfortunate that we observed no order in Our retreat; that every Soldier should be allowed to Plunder, & get straggled all over the Island."

Col. Taylor provided further testimony at Sullivan's subsequent court martial, arguing that it was not realistic to assume that Sullivan's brigades would be able to reinforce Colonel Ogden from twelve miles away when he attacked the New Jersey loyalist battalions in his sector.  Thus, it would have been more prudent to withdraw the way they had come.

Nonetheless, General Sullivan still planned to rendezvous at Old Blazing Star and hoped to be able to link up with Ogden's force along the way.  Accordingly, as DeBorre's men herded their captives and gathered plunder at the New Blazing Star Ferry, Sullivan sent two men in a canoe back to the point where he had left his boats with orders for them to proceed down the Sound and meet him at the Old Blazing Star.  He also ordered his aide, Major J.O. Eustace, to locate Colonel Ogden and order him to join Sullivan immediately.

Neither order produced the desired results.  The boats never arrived, having been scared off by a sloop full of loyalist prisoners captured by Ogden at Old Blazing Star that was mistaken for royalist reinforcements, or perhaps they were driven off or even captured by some of van Buskirk's 4th NJV as one British account suggests.  Neither was Major Eustace able to locate a boat that could convey him across the Fresh Kills Marsh to Old Blazing Star, and in any event he did not ride the long road 12 miles ahead to try to locate Ogden and his men, who by then had completed their attack and were already preparing to return to New Jersey.

Meanwhile, what remained of the Staten Island garrison had not been idle after their initial reversals that morning. General Smallwood was increasingly concerned about his exposed position at Decker's Ferry.  Sullivan's Aide de Camp Major Lewis Morris later testified that "Genl [Smallwood], understanding that the enemy from the Lines were endeavouring to head him, thought it most prudent to form a Junction with Genl Sullivan, which he effected near the New Star."  Smallwood's volunteer Brigade Major Rev. Armstrong reported; "the enemy appeared in a pretty numerous line of march evidently intending to surround us on the right.  General Smallwood immediately ordered a retreat and dispatched me on Horseback to Gen'l Sullivan requesting that he would Join him, as the enemy appeared numerous & were endeavouring to surround him."

It is not clear whether these were elements of van Buskirk's 4th NJV who apparently did attack and kill or capture an isolated company soon after in Smallwood's sector, or reinforcements from the garrison behind the fortifications at the Northeast end of the Island.  These later troops were under the command of the overall leader of the royalist forces on Staten Island, Brigadier General John Campbell. He was a seasoned veteran of the French and Indian War, having been wounded in 1758 as a Captain serving with the 42nd Highland Regiment in the attack of Fort Carillon (renamed Fort Ticonderoga)..  He later was made Lt. Colonel of the 37th Regiment of foot and brought them to America.  A newly minted Brigadier, he determined to rally those of his forces still able to take the field to push back Sullivan's Division and Ogden's force.  He coordinated not only with Brigadier General Skinner, who was nearby, but also with Lt. Col. Edward Vaughn of the 3rd NJV who was far down Island.

"A messenger soon after arrived from Colonel Dongan with Information that an Attack had likewise been made on the West part of the Island, that Lieut. Colonel Laurence and a good many of his Corps [the 1st NJV] had been made prisoners; but that he, with Lieut. Col. Allen, and their Battalions, with a few of Laurence's that had join'd them,  had taken possession of the works formerly thrown up by the Rebels at Princes Bay, where they should be able to Defend themselves until supported...This Strengthening me in my former resolution, I advanced on the footsteps of the enemy without the least Interruption to the Village of Richmond, where I was obliged to halt, to bring up the rear and to refresh the troops, who were even at this time very much fatigued from the excessive heat."

Based on this chronology, it does not sound as if Brigadier Campbell's force was the one that General Smallwood reported was moving on his flank to surround him prior to his withdrawal toward Richmond from Decker's Ferry  An officer of the 52nd Regiment of Foot later wrote that "having very bad intelligence we made several retreats before we could trace the route the rebels took."  This could have been because the British assumed that Sullivan would return to New Jersey by the way he had come, in which case Campbell and his men might have taken the wrong road instead of following on Smallwood's rear.  Still, some royalist troops did appear to be shadowing the American withdrawal, and as men fell ot by the wayside or stopped to plunder the inhabitants, they would have been vulnerable to capture.

Captain Benjamin Chambers, whose Light Company had been in the van of Smallwood's attack, withdrew from Decker's Ferry as ordered.  As he neared the crossroads,

"he heard some arms discharged in the rear, which induced him to halt his men, soon after General Sullivan came to him on the road from the new Blazing Star and asked him what was the firing in the rear, he answered he thought it to be some of our own men who were Drunk, upon which General Sullivan ordered him to halt there, to let the stragglers pass by, and bring them up to the rear guard, which he accordingly did for an Hour."

It is most likely that this firing came from the surprise attack that captured or killed Captain Heron's men and others who may have still been engaged in looting back near the ferry.

Sullivan's reunited division proceeded to withdraw toward Old Blazing Star, followed by the royalist forces.  We will consider the retreat to Old Blazing Star and the actions of the Staten Island Garrison to strike back at Sullivan's raiders in a subsequent post in this series.

 

"Through marshes and ditches and mire frequently up to her knees"; Sullivan's Staten Island Raid (Part VIII)

There is something almost quaint about the conventions of civility among gentlemen of the officer class in 18th century warfare.  There was nothing civil about the abduction of non combatants, the looting of private property, or the treatment of enlisted prisoners by both sides during the American Revolution. 

During Sullivan's Raid on Staten Island on August 22, 1777, American soldiers, often with the encouragement and direct participation of their officers, indulged in plundering civilian as well as military property on a large scale. 

It would be strange if they confined themselves to non-human property and did not carry off some of the slaves owned by Staten Islanders and loyalist refugees, although I have found no conclusive evidence that they did so.  It would also be strange if they did not indulge in rape, and there is circumstantial evidence, at least, for one high profile instance of sexual violence by American soldiers during the raid.

Lieutenant Colonel Edward Vaughn Dongan, a native Staten Islander and commander of the 3rd Battalion of New Jersey Volunteers in Skinner's loyalist brigade, fought against a force of New Jersey Continentals and militia under Col. Matthias Ogden of the 1st NJ.  Dongan's wife Francis (Lagrange) and their toddler Walter Townley Dongan were also on the Island.  One early 20th century source says that Mrs Dongan and her son were at headquarters that morning, and if this refers to her husband's command then she was in the path of Ogden's men.  If she was at home, it may have been either of Sullivan's Brigades. and if as this account states she had to flee over three miles before reaching a boat that conveyed her to New York, it is more likely that she met up with Sullivan's men than those in Ogden's sector.  

In any case, she and her son were directly in harm's way.  The Collections of the New Jersey Historical Society Vol 9 (1916) provide the following account with a brief, evocative quotation from an unnamed British source; 

"She fled with her baby and only child, Walter Townley, age 18 months, 'through marshes and ditches and mire frequently up to her knees,' [emphasis mine, Ed.] under a heavy American fire, for over three miles, until she reached a boat by which she was conveyed to New York.  The baby died by the results of these hardships, on the same day as his father [ August 23rd, 1777] and was buried in the same grave."

.Frances Dongan made a widow's claim for support at the close of the war:

Memorial of Frances Dongan 3 Widow Determin d y

Frances Dongan-the Claimant-sworn. 6 * of Decr J 7 8 4- 8 "- f D "

Is a Native of America. Was Born at Brunswick. 4 Her Husband resided at Her Husband Rahaway. She was married in 1773. When the rebellion began he followed the a Loyalist & kill d profession of an Attorney which he had followed five or six Y rs . The Rebels knew he was a Loyalist & therefore treated him very ill. They took him out of his Bed. Believes he refused to take the Oaths or sign any Association paper &c. He join'd the King s Army when Sir W m Howe came into the Jerseys. Col 1 Dongan s Commission not produced. He was then made Lieut* of the 3 d Batt n of New Jersey Volunteers. He died in 1777 & was killed in Action 5 the Claimant s father will produce the Will. He made the Will the 23 d of Aug* the Day on which he died. She had only one Child who died the same Day that M r Dongan died. She receives Bounty 40 a Y r . a n Allowance of 40 a Y r which she has rec d from the 5 th of Jan? 1784.

This summary does not appear to be the full record of her testimony - presumably she related how she fled under fire through those marshes and ditches - but at least two modern websites claim that she was pursued and sexually assaulted as well. 

The Online Institute for Advanced Loyalist Studies, generally considered an excellent resource for documentation of loyalists both military and civilian during the Revolutionary War, has this to say about what happened to Frances Dongan;

"These encounters rarely targeted the dependents, but there were the exceptions. One tragic incident occurred during Sullivan's attack on Staten Island on 22 August 1777.

The garrison, composed to a great degree of New Jersey Volunteers, was engaged all over the island. The third battalion of this corps of six was retreating towards some old rebel works, led by their twenty eight year old commander, Lt. Col. Edward Vaughan DONGAN.

His wife and children, not thinking themselves in danger, did not flee with the corps. When Sullivan's attack broke down into a plundering expedition, some Continentals made Mrs. DONGAN an object of their desire, chasing her through woods and swamps, her three year old child at her side.

At the same time she was being abused, her husband was shot and mortally wounded in a counterattack elsewhere on the island. He would die three days later."

Possibly the source for this assertion was the September 1st edition of the loyalist New York Gazette and Weekly Mercury, but I have not been able to locate the full article to confirm that it contains more than a mention of Col. Dongan's burial with his child.

The other source, published on a United Empire Loyalist website, is much more detailed but offers no further documentation for the claim of rape, and efforts to contact the writer have not been answered in time for this post;

"When husband's battalion was retreating from Sullivan's rebel soldiers, Frances and her son remained behind. The advancing patriot army, however, was intent on more than just a military victory. Plunder and rape were also on their minds. Frances Dongan took her three year-old son by the hand and fled into the nearby woods. The rebels chased her through the trees and swamps. She did not escape. Rebels raped Frances before the eyes of her young son.

Having taken their pleasure, the rebels abandoned Frances and her son in the woods. She eventually made her way back to the New Jersey Volunteers' base only to discover that her husband was dying. Edward had been shot, Frances had been raped, but their young son had been wounded as well. He had witnessed a horrible attack on his mother and was then exposed to the elements as they had tried to hide in the swamp. It was all too much for the toddler. He died three days after the assaults on his parents. Within hours of hearing of his son's death, Edward Dongan breathed his last.

As Frances saw to the burial of her loved ones at New York City's Trinity Church, a newspaper recorded that Edward Dongan "a young Gentleman of uncommon Merit, both as a Man and a Soldier, is since dead of his Wounds. His Loss is greatly regretted, and his Memory will ever be dear to all those who had the Pleasure of his Acquaintance."

Rape has always been a fact of war, and the American Revolution was no exception.  Lord Rawdon, while with the British forces on Staten Island the previous year, wrote a notorious and oft-quoted letter to his uncle back in Britain;

"The fair nymphs of this isle are in wonderful tribulation, as the fresh meat our men have got here has made them as riotous as satyrs. A girl cannot step into the bushes to pluck a rose without running the most imminent risk of being ravished, and they are so little accustomed to these vigorous methods that they don't bear them with the proper resignation, and of consequence we have most entertaining courts-martial ever day."

Rawdon went on in this vein to relate  what he evidently considered to be humorous anecdotes involving two cases of gang rape by British soldiers.

By the standards of the late 18th century, coercive, forcible intercourse was not sufficient for a charge of rape to result in conviction.  Women were expected to resist but were believed by men to be weakened by their appetites, and if they failed to fend of unwanted advances it was often considered consent. Charges were very difficult to prove and there were very few convictions for rape.  In all of the 18th century, the Massachusetts Superior Court heard just 12 charges of rape (although there were more for lesser charges of assault, lewdness, or adultery).  North Carolina did not convict a single white male of rape during this period.  Nonetheless, unwanted sexual intercourse was surely not as rare an occurance as these statistics might make it appear.

In Rape and Sexual Power in Early America, Sharon Block's broad 2006 study of rape in British North America between 1700-1820 and its economic, racial and sexual hierarchies, Block describes how rape by British soldiers became a powerful propaganda tool for the American cause;

"Rape resonated as a means to disgrace and dismiss the British imperial system by transforming attacks on individual bodies into attacks on the body politic.  As American soldiers fought for their own rights as independant men, rape stories rallied supporters around the moral and political condemnation of the British Empire."

Washington himself gave orders on the eve of his surprise attack on Princeton on plundering and the treatment of women and children, and sought to make the distinction between Americans fighting for liberty and the predations of the invader;

"His Excellency General Washington strictly forbids all the officers and soldiers of the Continental army, of the militia and all recruiting parties, plundering any person whatsoever, whether Tories or others. The effects of such persons will be applied to public uses in a regular manner, and it is expected that humanity and tenderness to women and children will distinguish brave Americans, contending for liberty, from infamous mercenary ravagers, whether British or Hessians."

Nonetheless, rapes were perpetrated by American soldiers, particularly in the contested areas of "The Neutral Ground, between the lines in the vicinity of New York and where former neighbors fought each other in what was effectively a civil war.  On Staten Island, plundering was widespread during Sullivan's expedition, and it certainly was not limited to legitimate military spoils.  There is no reason to discount out of hand the possibility that some of these soldiers would resort to rape as well.

Until further evidence comes to light, it is difficult to say with certainly what happened to Francis Dongan and her child on that terrible day.  It is quite possible that she endured rape that day along with the subsequent deaths of her husband and child.  It may be that the loyalist press made use of the propaganda opportunity presented by her situation to rally support to crush the rebellion. 

Whatever befell Francis Dongan, she and her father left North America in 1783 and sought compensation for their material losses as loyalists to the Crown. There could be no redress for any losses in body and soul.

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