Walking the Berkshires

Gone Fishing

These words are written on my grandfather's grave, carved on local field stone plucked and scoured by ice and sea.  There is a family story that goes with it, and this other meaning will pass from general knowledge when none of us now living is around to explain it.  That is one of the reasons I started this blog nearly a decade ago, back in the fall of 2005 when my head and heart were full of ideas and memories that needed a new outlet for expression.  It was to leave a record, even in this most ephemeral of electronic media, for others to find and follow.

Since then, my interests have taken new directions and found new outlets.  I started writing a nature column for the local paper,  and that is where my environmental writing has gone ever since.  There is enough material now to compile into book form, a project I hope to pursue.  Social media supplanted blogging as an outlet for the short form post with immediate reader feedback.  My personal life took new directions as well, and I no longer spend nights up late at night, avoiding unhappiness at home.

I stopped writing here on a regular basis several years ago, but I still blog elsewhere.  Instead of a general purpose blog I have three specialized ones.

My interest in 18th century material culture research and living history finds serious expression in the newest of these: "Another Pair Not Fellows; Adventures in Research and Reinterpreting the American Revolution."  I am still proud of the historical research I conducted and present here at Walking the Berkshires, especially the series which was recognized with a Cliopatria Award in 2008 and the documentation behind four posts on the march of Burgoyne's Convention Troops through Connecticut which was accepted in research paper form as an addition to the collections of the David Library of the American Revolution.Over time, I will probably archive relevant material from Walking the Berkshires here, possibly after first reformatting them as .pdfs on Scribd.  There are a couple that ought to be presented as scholarly research papers, and a seventeen post series with broken links is not really the best way to present that material. 

My irreverent sense of humor and love of the scholarly send up produced the fictional Journal of Constant Belcher, a wholly contrived character whose misadventures during the American Revolution make such convincing use of actual documentary evidence that I inadvertently mislead the entire Revolutionary War Reenacting community when I announced its "discovery."  I had assumed that entries such as the following made with tongue planted firmly in cheek would have been a dead giveaway - Maj. Bloomfield bid me make a place for his horse in the boat for crossing to Cuckoldstown /  Gave it green pippins from his haversack So that it might ease our passage with a copious wind/.  Sadly it was all too believable, and there are places in the hobby today where the mere mention of Belcher's name causes eyes to roll and brows to furrow.  There is a Facebook Page for Constant Belcher, too, where the social media are alerted to my latest discoveries from his journal.

Finally, there is a blog called Cornflower Blue & Corduroy; Wargaming the German - Herero and Nama Wars of 1904 -1908.  This is a new direction for two old interests - a love of painted miniatures and of Namibia.  I have a very small circle of people with whom to share this area of historical inquiry and recreational pursuit, but it has involved my learning to decipher and translate German in the old Fraktur font and presenting my findings, sometimes for the first time,  in English translation.

As for Walking the Berkshires, it is so well diffused in the electronic media stream that I still get contacted through email by people who have found one of my old posts.  I see my role for now as its curator, tending the archives without adding new acquisitions.  This blog made many important connections and friendships for me, in particular with the genea-blogging community, many of whom I still find on Facebook.  It deserves to be cared for rather than abandoned.

Gone fishing was requested as an epitaph by my grandfather, Robert Howard Barker, after talking about the great uncertainties of death with his young son Robbie.  The idea of burial and what happens to the body and spirit is a lot for any person to absorb, particularly a young child.  Robbie had been learning about the water table in school, and so resolved this great mystery by announcing that after he was buried, he would go fishing in the water table.  My grandfather announced then and there that "Gone Fishing" is what he wanted on his gravestone. 

Three decades or so later, I'd like to think he got his wish.

My Year of Reenacting 2012

There were a large number of outakes from the photo montage at left, and not every living history event that I attended this year made the cut.  True, it would have been be difficult to provide a photograph from the Battle of Trenton reenactment since it will take place next week, but even so there were so many great moments this year it was very hard to select a representative sample.

This year I fell out with four different units, and can now prick and prime a cannon, row a battoe, dig a firebox and construct a brush arbor (not once but twice!). 

I spent another weekend in the huts at Jockey Hollow (not, however, the most recent one, though I am absolutely game to help with the phoenix-like reconstruction of hut #3 when that gets underway in the New Year). 

I also visited three schools in NY and CT, the Union County Historical Society in NJ, and took part in an event sponsored by my employer to celebrate the history of the Housatonic River in our region.  I got a ride in an antique car when I showed up at my Town's Memorial Day parade in my continental regimentals. 

This was the year that my two children got to participate in my hobby, attending the two day event at Rockford Plantation in Lancaster, PA as well as Germantown.  Emily can wear Talya's clothes, and Talya converted a linen shirt and trousers of hers to fit Elias.  I am deeply grateful to her for not only tolorating this hobby of mine but finding ways to participate that work for her.  She did five events this year in full costume, including stays, ,as well as the Housatonic River day.

My militia kit got a huge boost thanks to the sewing skills of Heather Clark Vogeley and Cozy Bendezky. I now have more fashion choices than the average ragged Continental.  We have a good tent, modified to be a better representation of period examples.

Best of all, though, are the friendships that continue to grow and strengthen through our participation in reenacting.  We invited a long list of friends and aquaintances from the hobby to join us at Windrock and about a dozen of them took us up on the offer.  My dear friend Larry Schmidt and I met up in New York to pore through an unpublished journal from the Revolution, looking for clues about a flag associated with Maxwell's New Jersey Brigade.  The 2nd NJ and the 35th Regt of Foote had a first, last supper at Oriskany  complete with white linen and a china plate halo.  I am greatly looking forward to seeing many of these good friends at Trenton on the 29th, and to new adventures together in 2013.

The Death of Captain Voorhees

The 1st New Jersey Regiment of the Continental line lost a number of its officers to wounds and disease during the course of the American Revolution.  Major Joseph Morris was mortally wounded in the fight at White Marsh, PA near the end of the Philadelphia campaign in December, 1777 while on detached service with Morgan's Rifle Corps.  Captain Andrew McMires (or McMyers) was killed before the Chew House at Germantown.  Ensign Martin Hurley, wounded in the same fight, was captured, identified as having deserted from the British Army at Boston, and summarily hanged. Major Daniel Piatt died of disease in April,1780. 

While each of these losses were felt by the regiment, the death of Captain Peter van Voorhees received widespread notoriety as an alleged Tory atrocity.  As the event in question happened on this date in 1779, it seems appropriate to take time to examine the available evidence surrounding the circumstances of his death.

Captain Peter van Voorhees is sometimes confused in later histories with others of that name or rank.  He was born in 1758, the son of Lucas Minnesen van Voorhees (1718-1791) and Cathrina Vandervoort of New Brunswick, New Jersey.  His grandfather, Minne Lucase van Voorhees, was born on Long Island but by 1717 was a member of the Dutch Reformed Church in New Brunswick.

Captain van Voorhees, according to a record of his service published by Heitman in his Historical Register of the Officers of the Continental Line During the War of the Revolution, had served in the 1st New Jersey Regiment since its first establishment, rising through the ranks from 2nd Lieutenant until he succeeded to command of John Van Anglen's 7th Company after that officer was wounded at Germantown.

In October, 1779, the 1st New Jersey Regiment was newly returned from participating in Sullivan's Expedition against the Iroquois and was then encamped with the army at Easton, Pennsylvania.  Apparently Captain van Voorhees was granted leave around this time to go home to New Brunswick, perhaps even to be married. He was also serving at this time as the regimental paymaster. John Polhemus, previously also a Captain with the 1st New Jersey, was also in the area, having be been declared a supernumary officer, and would be captured during the Loyalist raid on October 26th, 1779 in which Van Voorhees would lose his life.

Lt. Colonel John Graves Simcoe was the commander of the Queens Rangers, and the leader of a combined Loyalist force of cavalry and infantry that together made a daring raid from Staten Island into New Jersey in the early morning hours of October 26th, 1779.  The main object of the raid was to destroy a large number of flat boats that were intended for the use of Washington's Army, and possibly also to surprise and capture Governor Livingston who was thought to be at Middlebrook.  Simcoe personally lead about 80 mounted men, including the Hussars of the Queens Rangers, Capt. Sanford's Bucks County (PA) troop of loyalist horse, and another dozen local guides and Jerseymen under Captain James Stewart.

Such raids back and forth between New Jersey and loyalist Staten Island were very common during the war.  Acts of retribution and accusations of atrocities were commonplace and sometimes proved true.  Simcoe's raid was particularly audacious and encompassed a ride of over 65 miles, but along the way he missed his turn and went further than he intended.  The landmark he and his guides were looking for was a house at a crossroads belonging to Captain Van Voorhees' cousin Garret that, unbeknownst to them, had been burned by the British back in June of 1777.  Before he realized his mistake, Simcoe and his troopers were at the outskirts of New Brunswick.

The alarm had been raised and a group of Middlesex County militia under Captain Moses Guest confronted Simcoe's troop. In postwar memoirs, both Simcoe and Guest recounted the events that followed.  As Guest recalled;

"I was informed by an express, that the enemy was within a few hundred yards of me; I had just time to get to an open piece of woods when they made their appearance. We attacked them as they came up; but they came on so rapidly, that we could only give them one discharge. Col. Simcoe's horse received three balls, fell on him, and bruised him very badly; there was one man killed and several wounded. I left a physician with Simcoe and proceeded on."

Simcoe says it was five bullets that struck his horse and that he was stunned by the violence of his fall, coming to his senses to find himself a prisoner.

Meanwhile, Captain van Voorhees, reportedly together with some mounted militia, had joined the attack, and was pursuing the Loyalist riders, now under the command of Captain Sanford.  According to Simcoe;

"The militia assembling, Captain Sanford drew up and charged them, when they fled.  A Captain Voorhees, of the Jersey Continental troops, was overtaken, and a Hussar, at whom he had fired, killed him."

Captain Guest's account provides more detail;

“…we witnessed a scene that was truly distressing. We found Captain Peter Voorheis lying in the road, mortally wounded, and, to all appearance, nearly breathing his last breath. He had just returned from General Sullivan's army, and, with a few militia horsemen, was pursuing so close on the enemy's rear as to cause a detachment to sally out. They soon came up with him and cut him with their broad swords in a most shocking manner, which caused his death in a few hours."

Feeling was high in New Brunswick at the violent death of this native son, and subsequent threats against Simcoe's life ultimately had to be addressed by Governor Livingston's order on October 2nd, 1779 that he be treated according to the rules of war.  Lt, Col. Henry Dearborn of the New Hampshire Troops who were part of General Sullivan's force then encamped at Easton, heard the news of Voorhees's killing on October 28th and wrote in his Journal:

"On this day receivd the particulars of a most horrid piece of cruelty committed by a party of British hors, which is as follows:- A party of British hors under the [com]mand of Colo. Simco made an excurtion into Jersey from Staten Isl[and], took a circuitous rout of about 30 miles in which they burnt a foragg yard & plunderd several defencless houses, on their return a small party of Millitia collected under the command of Capts van Voras & Wool, two Continental Officers who had been with Genrl. Sullivan on the western Expedition - they form'd an ambuscade which they drew the Enimy into, killed several & made several prisoners, among the latter was Colo. Simco. - Capts van Voras & Wool along with several others on hors back pursu'd the Enimy some considerable distance until they rallyd & turnd upon their pursuers, who ware obliged to give way.  Capt. Van Voras being further advanced than any other, & his hors being very much fatigued was overtaken by the Enimy and obliged to surrender himself prisoner; the party that took him conveyed him to the main party, 7 after examining him fell to hacking him with thier Swords in sight of Capt. Wool & others of his party; after satisfying their more then Savage Spite they left him expiring on the ground.  Capt. Wool & some others immediately rode up to him & found him cut & hack'd in a most barbarous manner, his arms cut off , his head cut to pieces & in fact appeerd to have been massacred by the most cruel Savages, this was done by the humane Britons, let every Briton blush at the idea.-"

Col. Dearborn may have found it all to easy to imagine the massacre in terms of a frontier atrocity, having just returned from a scorched earth campaign against the Iroquois which included the skinning of dead Iroquois by to make boot tops for two officers of the Jersey Line and the torture and decapitation of prisoners taken by the Indians.  He may also have given extra credence to the account because Captain Isaiah Wool of the 2nd Artillery may well have been known to him personally, having been captured along with Dearborn in the assault on Quebec.  I find no other account that links Wool with the events surrounding Voorhees' death.  Intriguingly, Washington's correspondence on November 1st, 1779 from West Point to General Maxwell in command of the Jersey Brigade makes reference to having received a letter from Maxwell dated October 30th and delivered by Captain Wool.

Predictably, the patriot and loyalist press gave conflicting accounts of the death of Captain Van Voorhees.  The New Jersey Gazette on November 3, 1779 claimed that "Captain Peter Voorhees, of the First Jersey Regiment, unfortunately fell into their hands near Brunswick, and was massacred in a most shocking manner."  Another paper [The New-York Journal and the General Advertiser, Nov. 1, 1779] likewise claimed that Captain Voorhese (a young gentleman much esteemed) had been "wantonly murdered".  A loyalist New York paper mentioned only that a Captain Voorhies was killed, and Rivington's Royal Gazette on November 3rd printed a letter, purporting to be from a participant in Simcoe's raid, that describes Voorheis' death as part of a legitimate combat. Other secondary sources repeat the claim of Voorhees's murder but offer no additional evidence in support.  Captain Guest, who actually saw Voorhees lying mortally wounded in the road, was moved on November 10th, 1779 to write a poem in elegy that does not lay the charge of murder. 

In the end, it was a minor episode in what was often a savage and brutal conflict.  Voorhees was lamented as a patriot martyr and Simcoe would eventually become the Lt.-Governor of Canada.

 

 

 

Elias Dayton's Account of the Battle of Germantown

Today is the 235th anniversary of the Battle of Germantown during the Philadelphia Campaign.  The family and I will take part in a reenactment of one of its central actions, the fight around the Chew House or "Cliveden", in which the 1st and 3rd NJ regiments commanded by my ancestors Matthias Ogden and Elias Dayton suffered their heaviest casualties of the war (with Brandywine several weeks before a close second).

Col Elias Dayton of the 3rd NJ wrote about the battle of Germantown:

"The evening of the third we marched off with the whole army, with the design to attach the enemy, who lay near Germantown; about fifteen miles distant from us; unfortunately for us the night proved very dark, which so retarded our march that we did not reach the enemy's advanced post until sunrise, whereas our design was to attack them at first dawn of day.  At sunrise the fire began: their advanced party soon gave way, our people pursued them closely to the main body, which they immediately attacked likewise, and they soon gave way, and were pursued from field to field with great loss on their side. 

We suffered considerable in advancing, by a party of the enemy had thrown into a large stone house, said to belong to Benj. Chew.  At this place fell Capt. McMyer and Ensign Hurley of Col. Ogden's regiment; Capt. Conway, Capt. Morrison, Capt. Baldwin and Lt. Robinson wounded, of the same regiment, together with about 20 men; Of my regiment Lt. Clark and Ensign Bloomfield were wounded and 18 men killed and wounded; my horse was shot under me at the same place, within about three yards of the corner of the house. 

About this time came on perhaps the thickest fog known in the memory of man, which, together with the smoke, brought on almost midnight darkness, it was not possible at one time (I believe for the space of near half an hour) to distinguish friend from foe five yards distance.  This obliged all our parties to give over the pursuit, as they were in danger of firing upon their friends, and probably did several times before the fire ceased.  At this instant the enemy rallied their scattered forces and advanced upon us, when we retreated in turn, though with very little loss.  I believe every man we had either killed or wounded met his fate full in front as he was advancing.  We had one Brigadier General who was shot in the thigh with a cannon ball, of which wound he died three days afterwards.  Our good Major Witherspoon was shot dead by a cannon shot in the head as we were advancing through the streets of Germantown."

A return of the 3rd NJ on October 6th, 1777 shows 26 officers, 16 NCOs, 9 musicians and 150 Rank and File present fit for duty, and lists casualties from Germantown as 1 NCO and 5 Rank and file killed, 2 officers, 1 NCO and 12 Rank and File wounded, and 1 NCO and 4 men missing. 

The breakdown of casualties in the 1st NJ were likely as great or perhaps even higher given the high toll of officers killed and wounded.  Ensign Martin Hurely was wounded but did not die in battle, but rather was captured and executed by the British afterward as a deserter from the 44th Regiment of foot back in 1775 in Boston.  He later served in the 1st NJ beginning in its 1st establishment, rising from private to sergeant and then to Ensign.

Favorite Entries from Revolutionary War Soldier Diaries

All of the following are transcriptions from actual soldier diaries.  They appeal to me not only because of what they reveal about the authors and the circumstances in which they found themselves in the defense of Liberty during the American Revolution, but also as the author of the fictional Journal of Constant Belcher.  That character could easily have penned such sentiments as these, were he not a figment of my imagination.

[Aug] 20. [1775] [New London, CT] -  "Sunday morning we got ready for to go to meeting, and the officers came and said that we must not go to meeting without breeches, and it was so hot that I could not bear to wear them, and I did not go to meeting in the forenoon.  I went to see a crazy man and there was a man that he knew him, and he got mad, and I think I never saw such a sight in my life.  He was chained and he would spring at us and hallo at us. There was one stout man that said he never saw a man that he was afraid of before.  In the afternoon I went to meeting."

            - Pve. Simeon Lyman of Sharon CT, in CT Historical Society Collections VII (1899) 111-134.

[Jan] 7 [1776]  "This day there two men In Cambridge got a bantering who wodd Drink the most and they Drinkd So much that one of them Died In About one houre or two after"

10  "There was two women Drumd out of Camp this fore noon  That man was Buried that killed himself Drinking"

12  "There was a man found dead in a room with A.Woman this morning.  It is not known what killed him."

                                            -Pve. David How of Methuen, MA, in Col. Sargent's 16th Regiment.

[October] the 6 [1775]  "The enemy fired between 80 to 90 Canon at our men but killed nine onely cut of one mans arm and killed too cows So much for this day."

November 1775 the 1  "Last night the fire ran over Samuel Hawes's hair and that provoket him to wrath Nothing very remarkable hapnd this day that I know of."

                                    - Pve. Samuel Haws, Wrentham MA

[April] 25th [1776] (New York)  "During the Course of last Week I several times visited The Holy Ground, before described.  When I visited them at first, I thought nothing could exceed them for impudence and immodesty; but I found the most I was acquainted with them the more they excelled in their Brutallity.  To mention the perticulars of their Behaviour would so pollute the Paper I write upon that I must excuse myself.

The whole of my aim in visiting this Place at first was out of Curiosity, as was also that of the chief of the Gentlemen that accompanied; & and it seems strange that any Man can so divest himself of Manhood as to desire an intimate Connexion with these worse than Brutal creatures, yet it is not more strange than true that many of our Officers & Soldiers have been so imprudent as to follow them, notwithstanding the salutory advice of their Friends; till the Fatal Disorder seized them & convinced them of their Error.  I am informed that not less than 40 men of one Regt which last Sunday set off for Quebeck were infected with that disorder.  What fine order these Men must be in to undergo a fateigueing March through a cold uninhabited Country!  Unless there is some care taken of these horrid Wretches by the Genl, he will soon have his Army greatly impaired, for they not only destroy Men by Sickness, but they sometimes inhumanly Murther them; for since Monday last two Men were found inhumanly Murthered & concealed, besides one who was castrated in a barbarous Manner.  This so exasperated the Men that in the face of day they assembled and pulled down the houses where the men were thus treated, 7 with great difficulty the Guards dispersed them after they had levelled them to the Ground.  This, altogether with the common Riots incident to such Places, made our Men a little more Cautious how the ventured to profaner Holy Ground with their Presense."

29 "...an old Whore who had been so long Dead that she was rotten was this Day found concealing in an out House at the Holy Ground."

                                   - Lt. Isaac Bangs, Col. Bailey's Regt.

 [May 7, 1776] (Retreat to Sorrel, Canada)  "I am still unwell, very much weakened with the disorder that has attended me these four days past; am obliged to go by water; went with Gen. Wooster who is a kind to me as a father.  We set sail at sunset - the other boats to follow - came several leagues; ran on the reefs twice, but through mercy, no damage.  Wind high and the current strong, but with great difficulty put into the east shore; went up the high banks to a house at 2 o'clock and slept two hours; The boatmen sing a very pretty air to 'Row the boat, Row' which ran into my head when half asleep, nor could I put it entirely out of mind with all our gloom and terror, with the water up to my knees as I lay in the boat.  My difficulty was, one passage I could not get."

                                - Rev. Ammi Robbins (Norfolk, CT), Col. Burrall's Regiment

[December] the 19^th [1777]-- "in the morning we marchd to our winter Quarters -- we marchd all Day without Victuals having nothing to Eat -- we went into the woods & Sleept in huts as usual"

[December 20] -- "we found a Corn feild where was Corn which we took & Eat after we Roasted it in the fire some -- we Pounded with two stones & made Samp to thicken our Broth -- Some we Carried to mill & Got it Ground into meal -- towards Night we Drew Some Poor Beef & one Days flower -- this Decembr 20^th 1777"

the 21^st "Sunday -- we had warm Pleasant weather & Nothing to Eat but a Little flower made with Coarse Indian meal & a Little Flower mixd with it -- at Night the fortune of war Put into our hands a Poor Sheep which we Roasted & boild which Gave the Company a Good Super which we Eat & turnd in"

[December 22] -- "Sleept Qietly untill morning when we Receivd orders to march in fifteen minits -- we Paraded the Regt. & Grounded our arms & Drew flower for one day & Baked it But no meat as yet but a Party of Volenteers turnd out to Goe to get Some Cattle from Toreys -- we had nothing to Eat Untill 10 o clock at Night when we had a Ram Cooked roast & boild which 3 of our Company took & killd as they traveld on their way -- about 10 o clock A Detachment went from here to Goe Down towards the Enemy etc."

23d -- "we turnd out a Party of men to Build huts for our winter Quarters -- in the afternoon had some mutton Served out to us for one day & Drumd a whore out of Camp & set her over Schullkill River for theaft -- this night Capt. Lee took 13 Light horse & 8 Riders of the Enemy & Brought them in."

                                  - Sgt. John Smith, 1st Rhode Island Regiment.

Sgt. Israel Litchfield of the Scituate Minutemen Prepares for War

Israel Litchfield of Scituate, MA kept a diary between Nov 1774 and mid 1775 that survives today in the collections of the New England Historic Genealogical Society.  It is a trove of period details gives many insights into daily life in his coastal Massachusetts town during the months leading up to the onset of the armed struggle for American Independence.

Just 21 years old, Litchfield was skilled in both leatherwork and clock making.  Sometimes he ground razors for family and friends, and sometimes he had someone else draw a tooth. As a skilled laborer he collaborated with other artisans, like Abednego Wade who worked in brass, but he also did his share of manual work in the fields.  He sang with the choir and enjoyed visiting friends, and with all this activity he increasingly found time to train with the militia.

His service record is summaried as follows in Massachusetts Soldiers and Sailors of the Revolutionary War:

Litchfield, Israel, Scituate. Sergeant, Capt. Samuel Stockbridge's co. of Minute- men, Col. Bailey's regt., which marched on the alarm of April 19, 1775; service, 21 days ; also, Clerk, Capt. Hayward Peirce's co., Col. John Cushing's (2d Plym- outh Co.) regt. ; service, 15 days ; company ordered to march to Bristol, R. I., on an alarm in Dec, 1776.  

Litchfield's diary offers a wealth of information about the formation, drill and equipment of the local militia, particularly the minute company to which Litchfield belonged. 

Drill:  Before Scituate established its two companies of minutemen in January, 1775, Litchfield mentions two types of drill used to exercise the militia.

       Nov 17' [1774] : In the forenoon I Work'd at the tanhouse put 19 sides into Lime In the Afternoon
                      12 of us met at Daniels and Exercised We used what they Call the Norfolk Excercise
                       the Weather Cool…

       18 …we went to M"" Gerfhoni Ewells from there to IncineTurners there was Cap* Turner;
                        Lieu* Stetfon Sergant Stockbridge: Sergeant Jenkins We Exercised Some in the New
                        way Calid the 64"'.

      2 Dec ...in the afternoon We Exercised at Daniels after the New form viz the 64**

 From this it appears that preference was subsequently given to the British 1764 manual of military
 exercise over the older Norfolk militia drill (1759) which still included instructions for using halberds
 and pikes.

Organization: It was customary for the New England trained bands to elect their officers, and Litchfield
describes this process several times in his diary.  In January, 1775, Scituate formed its first units of
minutemen in an occasion solemnified by a church meeting but ultimately resolved by others of the
Town and the votes of the men themselves.

January the 11,[1775] We went to the Training field by the rev. Barns's meeting house the Lower,
         Middle and upper Companeys of the millitia of this town met there under arms in order to Enlist
         minute-men after we were Embodied and marchd Some the three Companyes were Marchd
         into the meeting house for to hear a Lector. The Rev"" M"" Barnes went to pray[e]r then there w'as
         Sang the two first Stanzas of the 144*'' psalm after which the ReV M"" Grosvenor Preachd a
         Sermon his text Second of Chronicles 17^^: I''m Ready prepared for the war. It was generally
         Concluded that he talk'd very well after the Sermon m"" Grofvenor made a Short prayer after which
         they Sang two Stanzas in the 101*' psalm Then we were marched out of the meeting house
         and Embodied again and then they beat up for Men to Enlift as minute men there was aboute 66
        men Enlified and I was one amongst them that Enlisted we marchd into the meeting house and
        adjurnd from there to Lan[d]lord Fosters there we Chose three off[i]cers To wit M"" John Clapp for a
        Cap* M"" Nathanel Winflow first Lieutenant and M"^ Hayward Pierce Second Lieutenant and adjurnd
        till next wednesday to the Same place &c the weather very pleafant for the time of the year 1 got
        home from training aboute midnight

18'^ : In the after[noon] we went to Town meeting which was to Come into Some meafures Relative to
       the minute men they passed a Vote not to Raise any mony at present but that they might

      in Some future time If they Saw Cause. they had the Association of the Continential Congress
      prefented to the people to Sign almost all them that were there Signed it young and old 1 for one.
     from the meeting houfe the minute men and Cap' Clapp and others Went Down to Landlord Fosters
     Agreable to an ajournment Voted Last Wednessday to Chuse the officers there wer[e] So Many
     inlisted As to inhance the number to 88 we passed a Vote to Divide into two Companies 44 men
    in Each the upper Company Chose all their olficiers but we Got a little Divide'^ after we had made
    Some Choices and adjournd till next monda}' at one oclock to the Same place Viz Landlord Fosters
    Etce 

23*5 : In the forenoon, I wrought a little in Clock-work: In the afternoon, Daniel and I, went up to
          Lan[d]lord Fosters; to a meeting upon an adjournment from last Wednefsday ; in order to make
          choice of officiers, for the Lower companey of minute men : We made choice of M'' Samuel
         Stockbridge Jun"" for Captain, M"" Hayward Peirce for first Lieutenant : and M'' Pickle[s] Cushing
         for Second Lieutenant, M^ Israel Nichols first Sergant : they Chose me for the Second Sergant
         Rolon Turner for the third Sergeant and M*" William Loring fourth Sergant the following men for
         Corperals Viz Mefs^ : Ira Briant, Benj^ Wade, Eleazer Peaks, & David Turner.

Israel Litchfield was now the 2nd Sergeant under Captain Stockbridge in the 'Lower' Minute Company
of Scituate, which was part of Col. Anthony Thomas's (later Bailey's) Massachusetts Militia Regiment.  It was his duty to train the men under his charge, as well as to provide himself with the required equipment as well as assist in equipping the company.  In this, his skills in leatherworking proved a key asset, but he also seems to have taken his role as drill instructor very seriously, exercising small groups of men at his kinsmen Daniel Litchfield's several times a week.

January the 24': In the Afternoon We Excersised at Daniels Viz of the M[inu]te M[e]n Sergant
        I[srae]l L[itchfiel]d Z[adoc]k D[amo]n, D[anie]l L[itchriel]d, E[lish]a L[itchfiel]d.

 Januayr 26^th … In the afternoon we Excersised at Daniels of the m[inu]te m[e]n there was my Self
        D[anie]l L[itchfiel]d & Z[adoc]k D[amo]n and Benj-^ Wade Benj' &  I wrestled together.

31'   we viz: myfelf D[aniel], A[mos], Z[adock], E[lisha], and 2 or three more met and
        Excersised at D[aniels]

February the first in the forenoon Father Daniel & Lot cut Bushes before the Door pasture Daniel and Lot
        and I went to training with the rest of Cap' Stockbridges Company of minute men we met at m'
       Joshua  Clapps in the Evening Lieutenant Pierce and Benjamin Wade and I went to m"" Abial
       Turners there was a fine parcel of ladies there to wit : Mrs Rachel Barnes Mrs fofler mr^ Randal &:c.

 3^, I wrought in the Clock-makeing business Father Daniel lx)t and Francis Cut-bushes
      In the pasture before the Door In the afternoon I went to Daniels to Excersys the M[inut]e
      m[e]n but none of them Came.

 6'^: In the forenoon I Curried In the afternoon we excersised at Daniels of the minute men
      there was D[anie]l & Z[adock] & A[mos] & E[lisha] tSi my S[el]f

 February : the . 9*'' In the forenoon I wrought in the Clock making buismess In the afternoon the
      minute men (viz thofe of them that are under my tuifhon) Excersised at Daniels to wit  Z[adock].
      Daniel. E[lisha], Amos Etce.

13...In the afternoon We went to training we met at M"" James Jenkins's the Weather
       prety Cold there was but aboute one third of the Comp''» after training Cap', Stockbridge &
      Lieu' Cushing and others Went to Lieu' Pierces.

15"': We went to training we met at M"" James Jenkinss again there was allmost the whole Company of
       minute men that met this Day But the weather was So inclement that We Could not Excersise much
       Except marching and whealing there is but Little Snow

21-' In the forenoon I went up to Cap' Stockbridges to get Some oyl: in the afternoon Cap' Stockbridges
      Company traind by J[ames] J[enkins's]

Weapons and Accoutrements:  It was customary for members of the trained bands and alarm companies of Massachusetts towns to be required to muster with their own firelocks, a supply of ammunition, as well as other equipment as specified by their communities.  Litchfield notes in his diary on January 31st, 1775  that some men in his company "went to hingham and bought powder at 16 Shillings old ten[der] per pound."

He took particular care of his own musket, especially after seeing his Captain display some especially fine marksmenship at training.

March 10*^ I Scoured up my gun in the Evening I went up to Cap* Stockbridges &c 
Amos and I went over to Ilezekiah Hutfon to git our guns takled up he put in a
New main-spring into my Lock…

Sabbath 19'''…in the afternoon I went to training We met at Lieut Pickle Cushings we fired three
 Volleys Cap^ Stockbridge Shot at a mark aboute 12 or 14 Rods and hit it Exactly within an Inch … 
March the 21^' I Wrought upon my gun I Spent the whole day a Scowering her & Cleaning the Lock
   and fixing her after 1 had Clean^ and oyl'd the Lock I Put in a good flint and try'd her to Burn three
   Corns of powder I Cock'd her and Snapd and She burnd them I told out Juft three Corns and try'd 
   her again and She burnd it So I tiy'd her Eleven times Successively and She burnt three Corns of
    powder Every time and Did not miss the 12*'' time She missed them But I overhauld and Cockd her
    and She burnt them the next time then I try'd her to burn a Single Corn of powder and She Catchd a
    Single Corn four times Successively after that : the fifth time She missid a Single Corn, but I 
   over hauld her again and She burnt it the next time... 
I found this section of Litchfield's diary quite fascinating, especially given the challenges I have encountered
getting my own reproduction musket to reliably spark and fire.  I have often wondered how it was possible
for Revolutionary era soldier to keep their weapons clean and reliable, especiallty in the field when they had
such poor supplies and were inadequately fed and clothed.  In these months prior to the outbreak of armed
hostilities with the Crown, Litchfield's attention to his weapon shows how seriously he took these 
preparations.
He also became a valuable asset to his commander as a skilled artisan who could help provide other 
necessary equipment for the company.  Litchfield started making cartridge boxes for himself and for others
in the unit in mid February, 1775
   11*[Feb]' In the forenoon I went over to ISI'' Willcuts Shop and he & I made a Centre bitt to bore a Cartridge box. 
        I Bored off one Box
    14 I made me a Cartridge-box, I Covered it with a Coltskin it will Carry 19 Rounds.
25th I wrought with Cap' Sam'' Stockhridge a makeing cartridge boxes

Marcli 1*' I wrought with Cap* Stockbridge a Stamping Covers for Catoos boxes
      Iray Bryand [Biyant]was at work Leathering them 


Litchfield went with Captain Stockbridge to Boston on February 27th, noting in his diary: 

     I bought me a Back Sword or Cutlefs [cutlass] it Coft me ten Shillings Lawfull money
     Cap' Stockbridge bought a hide and an half of Moose skin for Catoos box Straps 
     it Cost him ^16.10.0'' old tennor 

From this it appears that the straps were intended for the the cartridge boxes Litchfield 
was making for Stockbridge's Company.  Ltchfield made himself "a Sword Belt and 
Bayonet belt" on March 13th.  The cutlass he bought in Boston was both a badge of 
rank as a non commissioned officer and a standard item that pre-war militiamen were
often required to provide for themselves when they mustered.

There was another effort to provide uniformity in Captain Stockbridge's company in
which Litchfield had a hand.  He notes on March 30th that he went down to Nathaniel
Wades and saw Abednego Wade "make Brases for caps, this Day I got my Leather Cap
M* Benj Clapps Daughter made it it cost three Pistareens."  Soon he was spending time at
Wades aiding in the effort to make brass facing plates for the leather caps of his company:

April the 11*  I Wrought with M"" : Abednego Wade a make-ing Brafses for Capps he and I
 Engraved 17 or 18 and tlie rest of them Pollifhd them of[f] I Did Not Come home this night 

I would dearly love to know what was engraved on the brass fronted caps. It cannot have been
too elaborate, for they were turning them out at a good rate: nearly enough at this point for half
the company.  Abednego Wade was eventually dispatched to Cambridge to assist the gunsmiths.

There was no uniform for the militia aside from these caps, though later in June, 1775, Litchfield records
 that he and another man each got a coat and breeches cut out of blue cloth and it cost them 20 Shillings
old tender.

At the time of the Lexington Alarm, the armed forces of Scituate were as well prepared as they could be. 
On April 23, Litchfield noted how different the times had become when he observed "I never Saw Such a Sight
in the meeting upon a Sabbath Day I suppose that there was near 150 men under arms."

Sgt. John Hawkins (2nd Canadian) loses a Knapsack at Brandywine

Among the collections held by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania is an unpublished manuscript consisting of portions of a military journal kept by Sgt. John H. Hawkins of Moses Hazen's 2nd Canadian regiment for periods between 1777 and 1782 during his service in the Revolutionary War.  Hawkins' account is regularly exerpted in modern histories of the conflict, but there is nothing like going directly to the primary source.  I have a photocopy made from the microfilm of this valuable record of enlisted service, and recently had occasion to sit down and sort through the pages, some of which are out of sequence, and put them in some sort of chronological order. 

Having just returned from a reenactment of the Battle of Brandywine, I was struck by Hawkins' narrative of that engagement, which begins with a brief description of his regiment's prominence in the heart of the fighting during that action.  Although Hawkins writes in a firm, clear hand, the photocopies are dark and sometimes difficult to read.  Any errors in transcription are my own:

"1777 Sept. 11.  About one o'clock the Enemy appeared in Motion advancing towards us.  Our Regiment was posted on the Right of the army; they were the first that were attacked and among the last off the field.  As heavy a fire of Artillery and Musketry was carried on, on both sides, the whole Afternoon, without any Intermission, as ever happened in America before.  The Enemy were much superior to us in Numbers, as but a small Part of our Army were engaged, the greatest part being away some Distance at the left.  In Justice to the brave Officers and Men of our Regiment, Col. Hazen thought himself obliged to affirm, that no Troops behaved better on that Day, nor any that came off the Field in greater Order.  Four Officers and Seventy-three Non-Commissioned Officers and Rank and File of the Regiment were killed, wounded and taken Prisoners in that General Engagement..."

Sgt. Hawkins' regiment was in DeBorre's Brigade of Sullivan's Division, and was initially assigned the task of defending Wister's and Buffington's Fords at the extreme right of the Continental position east of the Brandywine, where they were nearly cut off by Howe's flanking attack that afternoon.  They were later used to screen the artillery and other troops of Sullivan's division as they manovered to get into position to meet the fast moving attacking force. 

At some point during the battle, Hawkins lost his knapsack.  His journal includes a full page where he first discusses and then crosses out his description of how this happened.  After a false start he describes in great detail what his knapsack contained:

"In the Engagement I lost this Day I was so closely pursued by the Enemy (and the Weather being exceptionally warm) that I was induced to heave my Knapsack away, in order to lighten me have the more [use?] with my arms..  My Knapsack contained the following articles, viz.

    1 Uniform Coat - brown faced with white.
    1 Shirt
    1 pr. Stockings
    1 Ribbon
    1 Sergeant's Swash [sash]
    1 pr. Knee Buckles
    1/2 Soap
    1 Orderly Book
    1 Memo Jo. containing 5 or 6 Days Journal at one End, and a State of the Company I belonged
           to at the other End.
    1 Quire [one 20th of a ream] of Writing Paper
    2 Vials of Ink
    1 brass Ink Horn
    About 40 Blank Morning Returns, printed
    1 Tin Gill Cup
    A letter from me to a friend of mine in Philadelphia
    A printed book entitled Rutherford's Letters

I likewise lost my Hat but I recovered it again."

Hard loses indeed.  Sgt. Hawkins lists a number of items directly related to his duties as Sergeant of his company (he would later be promoted to regimental Sgt.Maj.), but he was also a literate man whose journal entries elsewhere indicate a familiarity with printing.  I find it interesting that he kept his rather small tin cup in his knapsack, but evidently not a bowl or other utensils; nor does he mention a blanket.  He had soap in his pack, but did not mention losing a razor.

The journal page where he started to recount how he lost the knapsack and then thought better of it reads as follows:

My Knapsack tho' quite light was very cumbersome; and as it swinged about when briskly walking or running, and more especially upon one's back when climbing a fence as there were several in the way, and had I not cast it from me the Moment I did I should certainly been gripped by one of the ill looking Highlanders as a Number of them were firing and advancing very brisk towards the rear of our Regiment as they were getting over a fence, which was handy, was very [restricting of] our Military operations..."

There may be a clue in this section as to the style of knapsack he was issued.  This does not sound like a two strap knapsack based on how it hampered Sgt. Hawkins as he was evading the enemy.  A single strap knapsack such as the New Invented Haversack described in documents from 1776 held in the Maryland State Archives, would have swung back and forth in the manner described as so cumbersome for Hawkins while running.  While there is no surviving example of such a knapsack or firm evidence that any of this design were issued, Hawkins' account lends support to the idea that one strap knapsacks of some sort may have been used by him and others in his unit, which at this period in the war recruited heavily in the Middle Colonies.

Hawkins lost his possessions but lived to fight another day.  His journal is the primary source for casualty figures suffered by the 2nd Canadian Regiment during late summer and early Fall of 1777 and one of only two known soldier accounts that describe the winter encampment of 1778-1779 at Redding CT. We are lucky that so much of his journal still survives and is available to researchers.

235th Battle of Brandywine Philadelphia Campaign Reenactment Pictures

The following pictures of the reenactment of the Battle of Brandywine held on Sept 15-16 at Brandywine Creek State park in Wilmington Delaware were mostly taken by me, by Talya Leodari, by Conrad Quinn aka Matthias Ogden,or by other Facebook friends who made them publically available.  It was a great time.

   

A Brandywine Brush Arbor and Other Adventures in Authenticity

(photo at left courtesy of Brandywine Creek State Park.  Other photos by Tim Abbott or Talya Leodari)

Last weekend was the 235th Anniversary of the Battle of Brandywine, a key engagement in the American Revolution that took place in 1777 during the Philadelphia Campaign.  Talya and I along several hundred reenactors gathered at Brandywine Creek State Park in Wilmington, Delaware to commemorate it with a living history encampment. 

The host unit for this event was the 2nd Virginia Regiment, known in our hobby as valuing serious research and for setting the bar very high for authenticity.  In coordination with the site, they arranged for both the Crown and Continental forces to have access to wood for constructing brush shelters, and excavated field kitchens for those who wished to prepare their meals as the soldiers we depict often did.

Reenacting culture varies from unit to unit in our hobby, and not everyone wishes to sleep rough and do a minimal, "campaigner" impression.  This was an opportunity to demonstrate both to the public and to our fellow reenactors the techniques used to create and utilize these 18th century amenities.  I had determined months ago that I would take full advantage of these options, and encouraged any in our regiment who wanted to help set up a brush arbor or dig a firebox and maintain an authentic camp kitchen to join me in that effort.

A brush arbor is a temporary structure designed to provide shade to a small group of soldiers who historically would not have had the benefit of the large, canvas awning flies that are prevalent in Revolutionary War reenacting but which belong to a later era.  It consists of a number of pole saplings cut and trimmed and set in holes int he ground as uprights.  To these are added additional poles as roof beams and supports, upon which are piled cut branches and vegetation to provide the shade. 

I had prior experience erecting a small, emergency arbor at an August reenactment where temperatures reached the high 90s, but looked forward to making something more substantial at this event.  To aid me I had my fascine knife and the assistance of fellow 1st NJ members Jeff Cox and Bob Boer.  Jeff brought along a modern ax but we largely used the fascine knife to cut and trim the poles and branches we needed.  There was a post hole digger available as well which proved a Godsend, because we soon learned we needed to sink the uprights at least 18 inches into the ground for them to be stable and secure.  I suppose the 18th century way would have been to dig out a much larger post hole with a mattock ir pick which we did not have.  We also learned that using dead wood for a long, diagonal rafter without a central support would place too much stress on the weight bearing wood, and our arbor came down inside its frame later on Friday night.  Saturday morning, though, we had the kinks worked out of the design, and the result became a focal point for many reenactors and the public as they entered our encampment.

Next to the brush arbor was our field kitchen, which consisted of a 2' deep circular trench about 16' in diameter with the excavated earth piled in the center.  We were to dig our own fireboxes into the side of the trench, about 1' square and 1.5' deep about 4" below grade.  Above this, we cleared a flat shelf and dug a 4" shaft about 11" back from the inner wall of the trench connecting to the firebox.  It was over this hole that we were to cook our food.

Jeff and I dug out the firebox, taking our queue from one that had already be placed around the circle.  The idea was that up to 12 6-man messes could cook at this location, using less fuel than an open cooking fire and more easily supervised by their officers.  We should have started our firebox higher up from the floor of the trench than we did, and closer to grade level, becasue we found that we needed a hotter fire to cook our food.  We also found that smaller diameter twigs and pieces of wood worked best in the fire box, which was rather smokey.  Noentheless, both we and our comrade John Funk cooked several meals in this manner, including a brisket and two large dutch ovens filled with chicken cordon bleu, which if not strictly an authentic soldier recipe was damned fine eating.

In addition to these two creations, there were other aspects of this event that provided added opportunities to demonstrate field fortification techniques, such as the construction of fascines, which were 6' bundles of wood used to reinforce the top of gun emplacements and to provide a degree of cover to exposed troops.  There was also an authentic regimental sutler impression near the Continental field kitchen, and a presentation on the roles of black soldiers int he Continental army.

The upshot of all this effort was an event that it created more opportunities to inform the public, engage their curiosity and inspire impromptu living history demonstrations than are customary at reenactments.  People were drawn to the unfamiliar fires and the shade of the arbor, and a number of the distaff and camp followers with period skills sat before their kitchen areas weaving baskets and providing additional teaching moments. 

Some of this activity was spontaneous, and allowed participants to be even more creative with their impressions than is customary.  I found it invigorating and am grateful to Todd Post of the 2nd VA, Thaddeus Weaver of the German Regiment, ours hosts the 2nd VA and the management and staff of Brandywine Creek State Park for making it possible for us to do this.

Low Cost Investments in Authenticity for Revolutionary War Reenacting

I am one of several thousand people who are involved today in the hobby of reenacting the Revolutionary War.  We do so for varying reasons, including a passion for the time period and the enjoyment we get from being with others who share our interests and a commitment to bringing a favorite period of history to life.  For some of us this might rightly be described as an all-consuming obsession.

Ongoing research, by individuals and institutions alike, is changing our understanding of the material culture of the people and military organizations we depict.  This has lead to changing standards of reenactor authenticity.  Places like Fort Ticonderoga are now asking reenactors to meet a much higher standard if they want to participate in events at the site. Ticonderoga, Friends of Minuteman Park, and other groups now offer a number of workshops and trainings to encourage more of us in the reenacting community to better represent the period in how we dress, and increasingly how we behave, at living history events. 

One Massachusetts based group - The Hive - just sponsored a reenacting challenge leading to a juried event last weekend at Minuteman National Park.

"The Authenticity Guidelines for The Challenge are specifically designed to take the existing Battle Road and Park volunteer standards to a higher level with the addition of an inspection and documentation element for all participants.

Very few of the people who will sign up currently meet all the standards for this event—if they did, it wouldn't be a challenge. The standards are specifically stricter to increase the overall authenticity of the event, and to push participants to make improvements. However, the standards are still attainable yet are among the highest in the hobby.

We are striving for 100% hand stitched clothing, but will allow machine seams if they are not visible. The clothing itself must be documentable to 1773. We would like to avoid styles of clothing that are too far behind the times and more importantly eliminate fashion that is too far forward. In addition, we are asking participants to create an impression of a New Englander, so even though certain garments can be documented to the period, they also need to be appropriate for this location. Items that may be fitting for the French Court in 1773 are not necessarily appropriate for Concord in 1773.

This appeals to me on many levels, but it represents a new and very challenging direction for the 18th century reenacting community and is not always presented with sensitivity nor received as encouragement.   It can be frustrating - not to say off-putting - to some in our hobby who have been doing 18th century living history for many years to be told that what was perfectly acceptible in our hobby when they were gearing up is now inauthentic.  It can be equally frustrating to those who have made available their research, as well as for those events and historic sites that are now striving for a higher standard, to find many reenactors not making the effort to improve their impressions even when there are options available to them to do so. How we get to a higher standard in our hobby, and encourage others to do so, takes interpersonal and communication skills and patient leadership along with specialized knowledge, and these are not everyone's strengths.

Authenticity standards are more of a priority for some of us than others in this hobby.  My feeling is that taking what steps you can, within your resources, to enhance your impression is in everyone's best interest.   I am a long way from achieving the standard I am aiming for, but I am making steady progress, and am happy to share what I have discovered and continue to learn along the way. 

This is not an inexpensive hobby, even for those with the skills to make much of their own clothing and equipment.  There are very few of us with the discretionary income to commit to a custom made musket and a handmade uniform with period authentic specialist fabrics all in one go.  It is also the case that some things that were once thought to be authentic are later discredited based on subsequent scholarship.  It is understandable that some might hesitate to make a big investment in revamping their impression until there is consensus that the current standards are based on assumptions backed by solid scholarship.  When the evidence and the opportunity are there, aiming for a higher standard is fair and appropriate.

Luckily, there are a number of fairly inexpensive things that anyone reenacting this period can do, right now, to  upgrade their own standard of authenticity.   These are small investments you can make that will enhance your existing clothing and accouterments. 

Shirt Buttons:   Replace the bone, wood or horn shirt button at the neck of your linen shirt with one made of thread.  Most of the shirts of this time period were closed at the neck with thread buttons, for the simple reason that other materials did not hold up well when underclothes were boiled, beaten and wrung out against posts.  5/8" linen thread buttons with or without a metal ring used as an inner form were commonly used as neck closures.  Dorset wheel patterned shirt buttons and other styles can be had from Blue Cat Buttonworks or William Booth, Draper for $1.50 each.  

Sleeve Links:  While linen thread buttons could also be used for sleeve closures, there are numerous examples from the archaeological record at both military and civilian sites that sleeve links were in common usage.  To give just two examples, nearly three dozen of these  in brass or white metal were excavated from Fort Stanwix in New York's Mohawk valley, and others are known from Fort Montgomery in the Hudson Highlands.  There are some wonderful examples in brass available from At the Eastern Door for $30.00 (though at that price I would be worried about adding mine inadvertantly to the archaeological record).  Two thread buttons tied together as shirt links might do in a pinch, and William Booth, Draper has small domed sleeve buttons in brass or German silver for $7.50.

Hair:  Not all of us are in a position to grow our hair out and style it in an 18th century manner.  It costs relatively little, however, to purchase a queue made from human hair matched to our own. I have an ear to ear queue made for me by Madam Joan's Wee Wiggies that cost me $44.00, and except for the fact that it can be a bit awkward when I doff my cocked hat in deference to my betters, it is a fine solution and adds a great deal to my overall impression.  It fits reasonably well under hats sized to my head without the hair extension, unlike a full wig which will usually require a wider hat size.

Tent Stakes:    Wooden tent pegs are cheap and metal ones are inauthentic for our period.  My pegs are made from oak and I bought two dozen from Avalon Forge for $18.00. You will want a hunk of wood or a wooden mallet to drive them with, and I made a small ticking bag to hold them.  I have broken only one during this campaign season.

Tent Modifications:    Speaking of tents, I do not have one made by hand from linen canvas (yet), but I did modify a standard cotton canvas 6'6" Enlisted Man's one machine made by Tentsmiths so that it has hemp rope loops with wooden washers and waxed linen thread grommets instead of cloth stake loops.  It is also closed at the front with these stake loops rather than ties.  My tent poles are made of aged spruce poles with an iron ferrule at the top (I have a friend who made these for me) and the pins do not pierce through the ridge of the tent.  Some of these modifications would be possible to do for an existing tent with a seam ripper and something to punch holes through the heavy canvas for the stake loops.  I found a sailmaker's palm useful when sewing the grommets.

Stockings:  So many of us put the effort into our clothing, only to undermine it with modern stockings.  There are sutlers available who make knitted wool and linen thread stockings with heels and toes (and sometimes even a back seam) that will run you between $30.00 and $60.00 but are totally worth it.  I own several pairs made by Mona Hubbartt of Westwood Traders: wwtrdrATattglobalDOTnet.

Hemp straps and webbing:  For a Continental army impression - with leather scarce and reserved for use for shoes, scabbards and cartridge pouches - musket slings, bayonet slings, cartridge pouch slings and canteen straps were often made of cloth, but not from cotton.  Hemp webbing is now widely available from sutlers, and some like David Hannon of Minuteman Armoury offers many of his leather accouterments with hemp slings.  He does excellent work, though I would advise giving him the sling measurement that will let your equipment hang at the proper height without having to shorten the sling afterward.

Finally, we can take the interpretive aspects of our hobby just as seriously as the recreational time that happens after the public goes home.  For those doing a military impression, putting the time and effort into mastering the elements of drill and the duties of an 18th century encampment can do even more to convincingly portray the life of a soldier from this period than having a perfectly researched and constructed uniform. 

Very few of our living history events are done in the first person, but staying in character for periods of time can really add to the experiece.  The silence of a long column advancing into a dark ravine anticipating an ambush that ultimately took place was a highlight for many of us who participated in the recent 235th Anniversary of the Battle of Oriskany.  Those moments when it truly feels like being there are part of what draws many of us to reenacting and they can happen when each of us is "in the moment."

When the public ventures into our encampments, we often seem unapproachable, and if our interaction is exclusively with each other we will miss many learning opportunities and teaching moments.  Doing things in camp other than sitting and eating helps draw people to us, aids in recruitment, instills a passion for history and historic sites. 

 Make a brush arbor.  Dig a field kitchen.  Stand guard duty.  Go to the surgeon.  Learn a few of the authentic songs of the period.  Try cooking food that would have been available to soldiers of the period using the implements to which they would have had access.There are all sorts of activities that can be done in camp that will add depth and character to your experience as well as to the quality of your interpretation.  It is more interesting to the public to see us doing these things in camp as well.

I am looking forward to an upcoming reenactment at Brandywine Creek State Park next month where I plan to arrive early to make a brush arbor to shade our dining area rather than using the large canvas fly that is more appropriate for 19th century encampments.  I will help dig and stoke a camp kitchen.  I will be on the lookout for members of the public who are curious about what we are doing, and if they hang around long enough I'll sing them a few verses of Thomas Paine's "Liberty Tree".  Hope to see you there!